Col R Hariharan | 31-10-2017 |
Sri Lanka has the longest history of Buddhism among
Buddhist countries in the world. Ever since Buddhism was introduced in the 3rd
century BCE, it had faced threat of survival due to overwhelming cultural and
religious influence of Hinduism, internal jockeying for power between the
Mahayana and Theravada schools and Colonial sponsorship of Christianity and
Islam. In such periods of turbulence, Sinhala kings sought the help of two
other Buddhist countries – Myanmar and Thailand - to strengthen and revive Buddhism.
Over a period of time, the orthodox Theravada Buddhism
has come to terms with some of the popular Mahayana practices among the people.
So it is not surprising, despite Theravada orthodoxy, historically Sinhala
kings had not only allowed Hindus and Muslims to practice their religions, but
also protected them from Dutch and Portuguese colonialist-sponsored onslaughts
against them.
However, it was Anagarika Dharmapala, the father of
modern Sinhalese Buddhist nationalism, who gave the momentum it needed in late
19th and early 20th century to response to the British
Colonial rule. Cumulatively, these historical experiences have left a deep
impression in the psyche of many Buddhists. They believe Sri Lanka is the last
bastion of Theravada Buddhism. This feeling also gave rise to ultra nationalist
fringe groups like the Bodhu Bala Sena (BBS), self-styled guardians saving
Buddhism and the distinct identity of Sinhalas. So they consider their vicious
anti-Muslim campaigns as legitimate actions. Sometimes, the vigilantes go
berserk, as it happened in 2014 and 2017, to attack and destroy Muslim-owned
businesses and places of worship of Muslims.
Such acts of Buddhist vigilantism
has been seen, not only in Sri Lanka, but also in Myanmar and Thailand. In all
the three countries, the archpriests of anti-Muslim rhetoric are Buddhist monks
– Golagodatthe Gnanasara in Sri Lanka, U Wirathu in Myanmar and Maha Aphichat
in Thailand. The veneer of religious justification they provide to their hate
campaign attract some of the gullible
population.
The spread of Wahabism, which provides religious
legitimacy for the Islamic jihad of the Al Qaeda–kind in many countries of the
globe has whipped up feeling of insecurity among Buddhist nationalists. This
suits Buddhist vigilante groups as it provides warped justification for their
hate campaigns. Inevitably, Buddhist nationalist right wing political parties
have provided political context to the hate groups.
Even mainstream political parties in power are long on
rhetoric to condemn the activities of fringe groups but ponderous in taking
immediate action to bring the culprits involved in such attacks on Muslims.
They are wary of offending conservative nationalist segments among the people, who
might dub it as a “unpatriotic” conduct
This has considerably damaged the Sinhala-Muslim relations with their adverse
political fallout. Covert support given to Sinhala nationalist elements by some
leaders of political parties has deepened the suspicion about their sincerity
in addressing grievances of Tamil minority, who are mostly Hindus and
Christians, and Tamil-speaking Muslims.
Perhaps in deference to the sentiments of 70 per cent
Theravada Buddhist population of the country, Sri Lanka’s 1978 constitution gave
Buddhism a special status, while not calling it the official religion. The
constitution chapter II, Article 9 states “The Republic of Sri Lanka shall give
to Buddhism the foremost place and accordingly it shall be the duty of the
State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana, while assuring a foremost to all
religions the rights granted by Articles 10 and 14 (1)(e).” These two articles
provide all citizens the freedom to adopt, practice and teach any religion of
their choice.
Though constitutionally Buddhism might enjoy only the
nebulous status of “foremost place,” in reality Buddhism dominates the political
and socio-cultural discourse of the country, just as the 80-ft tall Buddha statute
in Kandy, said to be the tallest in the world, dominates the skyline. Buddhist
monks have always played an active role in the country because ethnic and
religious issues are interwoven in politics of the country. The Mahanayake thera, chief prelates of monastic
fraternities (Nikaya) who oversee and regulate Buddhist clergy, wield a lot of
influence over their followers. This has enabled them to have a political role,
like their counterparts in Myanmar. Often, they are loudly vocal even on issues
of governance and politics.
Their blessings and patronage are avidly sought by all
political leaders; it is not uncommon to see the newly sworn in president and
prime minister making a beeline to them to seek their blessings. The Mahanayake
also have their favourites among national leaders and often come out in support
of their favourites. So top political leaders have little option, but, to woo
the Mahanayake for their support.
Both Buddhist clergy and Sinhala-Buddhist-nationalism are
conspicuously influencing the exercise now going on to draft a new
constitution. The Sirisena-Wickremesinghe embarked on the process to fulfil
their electoral promises to make the executive presidency more accountable and
to fulfil the aspirations of minorities.
In July 2017, a special Sangha Council attended by Mahanayakas of three
Nikayas (including the prelate of Asgiriya, a known supporter of former
president Rajapaksa) and 75 other Thera, met in Kandy to unanimously decide
that there was no need to bring in a new constitution or an amendment to the
present Constitution, negating the peoples mandate given to the ruling UNP-SLFP
coalition.
Not to be out done, President Maithripala Sirisena and
Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe met the Prelate of the Malwatte Chapter, a
known support of the UNP, and assured him that the new constitution would
neither in any way lead to a separate or federal state, nor abolish the
foremost place given to Buddhism. After their meeting, the Prelate came out in
support of the effort to draft a new constitution.
PM Wickremesinghe has maintained the refrain that all
political parties and religious leaders across faiths had “no issue in giving
priority to protect Buddhism in the country” to assuage feelings of many
Sinhalas, who are suspicious about the intentions of the government after the
interim report on the constitutional draft submitted to parliament gave two
options for adoption on the special status given to Buddhism. Of course, Sinhalas who feel Theravada
Buddhism is under siege, want Buddhism to be declared as the state religion.
However, Tamil National Alliance parliamentarian MA Sumanthiran has opposed
giving primacy to one religion (Buddhism) in the face of equality of all
religions; though he was not averse to “some kind of recognition to Buddism and
Buddha’s teachings.” This probably reflects the minority view.
So the constitution-making exercise continues in typical
Sri Lankan and South Asian style, with endless discussions by everyone trying
to outdo others, rather than hear each other to build a consensus. In all
likelihood, Buddhism will retain its special status in the new constitution
when the final draft goes for a referendum before the people next year. Whether
the people would approve it, remains open ended question. However, I believe
majority of Sri Lankans are enlightened enough to approve it as their bitter memories
of three decades wasted in fighting Tamil insurgents are still fresh.
Col R Hariharan, a retired MI
officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force
in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for
China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute,
Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com
Blog:http://col.hariharan.info
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