‘Jallikattu’ Syndrome: Expression of ethnic angst

Colonel R Hariharan

In mid-January last year, Tamil Nadu was paralysed when people rose up in massive protest against the Supreme Court ban on Jallikattu for reasons of cruelty to bulls. To the uninitiated, Jallikattu is a traditional bull-taming or racing sport, organised in different forms in mid-January in parts of Tamil Nadu. Some of the other Southern states also indulge in different versions of the same sport.

Far from traditional Jallikattu venues of rural Tamil Nadu, in Chennai an estimated half a million to a million plus people occupied the sands of Marina beach in protest against the ban. It quickly spread all over Tamil Nadu and paralysed the state. In one voice people demanded immediate government action to restore the sport. The massive scale of the protest stunned the state government. As there was no visible political or civil society leadership among the protestors, the government had no one to negotiate with to end the protest. It took three days for the Tamil Nadu government to regain control of the situation to retain its credibility by urgently legislating to permit holding of Jallikattu in the state and get the President’s assent in double time.

N Sathiya Moorthy, veteran journalist and columnist familiar to Sri Lankans, has come out with the book “Jallikattu: New Symbol of Tamil Angst” [Vitasta Publishing  Pvt Ltd. New Delhi-110 002] to answer some of the nagging questions about how the Jallikattu agitation came about spontaneously. Though the author calls the book an analytical narrative, it is actually a mind mapping exercise of Jallikattu protest and its symbolism of Tamil angst.

Based on the unprecedented spread of protest, not only all over Tamil Nadu, but also overseas among Tamil expatriates, the author concludes the ban on the popular fun-event became a major rallying point for the outburst of Tamil angst. In support of this argument, Sathiya Moorthy has marshalled, and linked in his narrative, a whole range of socio-political personalities and events in Tamil Nadu and wherever Tamils lived, to explore the makings of Tamil angst.  

The Jallikattu protests were next only to the anti-Hindi agitation that shook Tamil in the sixties in spontaneity, mass participation and spread across the state. The anti-Hindi agitation had a political narrative; it was limited to the state and resulted in violence and arson and strong state response was unleashed to quell it. On the other hand, the Jallikattu agitation was peaceful and the state administration’s response to control it was conciliatory rather than confrontational. Significantly, the government did not depend solely on administrative methods to handle the issue but used legislative and constitutional avenues to defuse the agitation. 

The biggest difference was the Jallikattu agitation assumed a pan-Tamil character to spread beyond the shores of Tamil Nadu. Perhaps, as the author says the pan-Tamil appeal was  because it “extended the cause to cover all that was Tamil –customs, traditions and practices from the distant past, to the present day aspirations of irrigation waters, development and jobs synchronized with nature.” The real time TV coverage of the agitation and quickly converge on venues of agitation. 

Sathiya Moorthy’s book analyses the issues that progressively added up to build the Tamil angst. These include the failure of the central and state governments to resolve many issues close to the heart of the people notably, the Cauvery waters issue, the Tamil Nadu fishermen’s problems, insensitivity to farmers grievances, endemic corruption in the administrative and political machinery, jobless education, lack of rural infrastructure, use of state machinery to suppress dissent and the neglect of rural poor. He also touches upon a host of issues, which perhaps, had some impact on building up of Tamil angst; these include the demolition of Babri masjid, ban on cow slaughter and beef, state government’s casual attitude to enforce judicial orders and judgements as well as internal polemics of the ruling party in the state.

Though the rise of Dravidian politics in Tamil Nadu helped the galvanizing Tamil identity and growth of Tamil nationalism, it is doubtful whether it was germane to the Jallikattu agitation. But there is no doubt it has contributed to growth of pan-Tamil mindset, which came in handy for the agitation. However, the failure of Tamil Nadu’s Dravidian parties to make positive contribution to resolve the Sri Lanka Tamil issue during showed up its limitations.

The ‘Jallikattu syndrome’ – the spontaneous outburst of peoples protest in massive numbers without organized leadership – differs from the ‘Arab Spring’ in early 2011– which were mostly leadership driven, often with the backing of external forces.  It was also qualitatively different from of ethnic extremism and insurgency we have seen in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. 

Though the narrative is generalised in its efforts to cover a large canvass, it contains cues relevant to understand not only Jallikatu agitation, but similar spontaneous outbursts of public anger. These were due to failure of the rulers to read and understand increasing alienation of peoples’ interests. Often governments tend to ignore popular demands deliberately for short term gains as it had been happening in Tamil Nadu.

In South Asia, the population has shown immense patience and puts up with large doses of misuse of office, corruption and poor governance and the governments used to treat public grievances casually.  However, Jallikattu agitation has shown that in the era of Facebook, Instagram and WhatsApp people can be mobilized in massive numbers to protest on issues that contribute to their feeling of alienation on the basis of their culture, language and tradition.

The insights of the book are useful for Sri Lankans as popular angst against the rulers is building up in Sri Lanka, not only due to continued feeling of alienation among Tamils, but also due to apathy among political parties to attend to long standing public demand for good governance.

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI specialist on South Asia, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com  Blog: http://col.hariharan.info

Thalaivar’s New Avatar

Will Superstar’s foray into politics make a dent in established parties such as the AIADMK and the DMK? Will his huge fan base be able to take on the organised cadres of these parties?

Colonel R Hariharan | India Legal | January 7, 2018

The two-decade long wait of thousands of fans of Tamil cinema’s superstar Rajinikanth ended on New Year eve when he announced his entry into politics is certain. To the roaring approval of thousands of fans attending the six-day interaction with the Thalaiva (as they lovingly call him), he added, “I will form my own political party and contest from all 234 seats in the next assembly election.”

As the news spread, Tamil Nadu’s political parties went into a tizzy. They have strong reasons to worry - many of their youthful party cadre were also members of Rajini fan clubs across the state. Responding to their Thalaiva’s call, there is a fear that they may shed their party affiliations to join his party. 

Officially, there were 50,000 registered Rajini fan clubs in the state in 1995-96, when registration was stopped. Incidentally, there is a fan club in far-off Tokyo! According to a media estimate, now there are 80,000 fan clubs in all. In his speech, Rajinikanth said “I have several thousand fan clubs, in villages and cities all across the state. The unregistered ones are twice as many.” Rajinikanth said that uniting them all would be the first task. Moreover, there are thousands of fans in all age groups outside the fan clubs also. It is these formidable numbers that worries the political parties.

TIMING IT RIGHT

Rajini’s entry could not have come at a more inconvenient time for political leaders as Tamil Nadu politics is in disarray. The ruling AIADMK’s EPS-OPS leadership is locked in a power struggle with the challenger TTV Dhinakaran, after his resounding victory in the RK Nagar by-election. Soon after his victory, he has vowed to “sort out” the present AIADMK leadership.  He is the visible face of the Mannargudi ‘gang” of Sasikala, which provided the muscle for the late chief minister Jayalalitha to rule the party with an iron fist.  Thus leadership shake-up in the AIADMK looks imminent.

The DMK, cut down to size in the RK Nagar polls, is sulking, while other smaller players, who piggy back on one of the two dominant Dravidian parties are in a tailspin. All the political parties, barring TTV Dhinakaaran faction, are certain that the RK Nagar election has institutionalized corruption in the state.

In this murky political scenario of sleaze and corruption, governance has taken a nosedive. Tamil Nadu, once considered one of the most advanced state, is now a dismal 14^th in national ranking. So, common man is able to identify himself with Rajinikanth when he said “the last year events in the state politics have shamed people of Tamil Nadu. The government has to be changed, system has to be changed.” He was humble enough to acknowledge that it would not be easy to do this and appealed for trust and support from the people.

Other leaders have either welcomed the superstar’s decision to enter politics or been cautious depending on the shade of their party colours, ranging from saffron, blue, red and green. The AIADMK predicted Rajini would fail in his new avatar, while TTV Dhinakaran and the DMK welcomed the move. The Congress expressed doubts about his ability to succeed without the organisational backing of an established political party.

SAFFRON LEADER?

Ultra-Dravidian fringe leaders sporting black shirts, picked on Rajinikanth for opening his speech with a quote from Bhagavad Gita to brand him a saffron leader. However, Rajinikanth has made it clear he would not join any political party. Though BJP is not sure of Rajini’s support, the party’s state chief Tamilisai Soundararajan praised him for his aim to eradicate corruption in Tamil Nadu, as it resonates with the call of the BJP in the state. Caste-based parties of the state had always opposed film actors’ entry into politics, so it was no surprise they suspected BJP hand in Rajini’s decision. The irrepressible Subramanian Swamy of BJP did not disappoint – he called Rajinikanth an illiterate. He said, “What will he tell us? Rajini is an uneducated man.” The MP called Rajini’s entry into politics a joke.

Tamil Nadu is no stranger to actors morphing into political leaders. In fact, the Dravidian parties have had close umbilical links with film industry. So Swamy’s argument that Rajini as an actor would not be able to fit in the political mould is untenable. Three powerful chief ministers of the state had film industry background - DMK leader M Karunanidhi was a well-known script-writer, MG Ramchandran, the AIADMK founder and his favourite heroine Jayalalitha too had made their mark first in movies. All of them had a strong grooming in politics before they became CMs. The only exception was Vijayakanth, another popular cinema star, who started his own party with the support of his fans. He did fairly well initially, but seems to have been sidelined now.

Rajinikanth’s challenge will be to transform his loosely organized fan clubs and supporters into a coherent, disciplined political party with motivated leaders at the grass root level. Then only he can take on both the DMK and AIADMK, which are strong cadre based parties.

SOME MINUSES

He is hobbled by his background as a non-Tamilian from Karnataka. In the state where Tamil nationalism is on the upswing, it will be an uphill task for him. The second handicap is that he speaks of spiritual politics, nationalism and corruption-free rule amidst people who have long been exposed to Dravidian discourses about atheism and open hostility to Hindu religious traditions. It is fashionable for leaders of the state to portray New Delhi as the villain out to suppress the Tamils. Considering his spiritual grounding – he was groomed in the Ramakrishna Math and he is a follower of Raghavendra Swamiji, a well-known Vaishnav saint, his politics may well turn out to be a green-field experiment in a not-so-friendly political environment.

At 67, Rajinikanth has another movie phenomenon to contend with - Kamala Haasan – who too has been wearing the Dravidian symbol of black shirt, saying he will enter politics.

Can Rajinikanth succeed? He is probably able to relate with the audience better than anyone else. He has charisma and that is what led to the fairy tale transformation of Shivaji Rao Gaekwad, a bus conductor from Bangaluru into Rajinikanth. In 2007, he was touted as the highest paid film star in Asia when he was paid Rs 27 crores for Sivaji. As he has called for “political revolution” in Tamil Nadu, it waits to be seen if Thalaiva can bring about a change. He has given himself three years for the task. Will the reel life hero morph into a real life one?

The writer is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and International Law and Strategic Studies Institute. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com Blog: http://col.hariharan.info

http://www.indialegallive.com/cover-story-articles/focus/rajinikanth-new-avatar-stepping-into-the-political-arena-41908

Sri Lanka Perspectives - December 2017: Political fallout of Local Government Polls

Col R Hariharan | 31-12-2017

Sri Lanka is expected to hold the nation-wide local government (LG) elections on February 10, 2018. Usually, local body elections are low key affairs. However, this election is important as a mid-term appraisal of the performance of President Maithripala Sirisena- Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe government. It would also provide an indication of the future developments likely to affect the fortunes of political parties and their leaders.

Over 15.8 million people will be exercising their votes on a single day to elect 8293 member to 24 municipal councils, 41 urban councils and 276 divisional councils is undoubtedly major challenge for the government.  Sri Lanka’s past experience in conducting elections is a mixed bag of good, bad and the ugly. It ranged from misuse of government machinery and state media, use of both muscle power and money power to disrupt rival party’s election campaigns and even fisticuffs between contestants ending in killings.

The sheer size of the elections, with over 70,000 candidates in the fray, makes the administration’s job of conducting free and fair elections even more difficult. Will the political parties and people rise up to the occasion to make it a success? Probably, this is the question haunting the minds of elections officials and police administration.

The government has already drawn plenty of flak for delaying the local elections. Reasons for the delay are many, apart from political compulsions of the ruling coalition partners. Systemic journey to conduct the poll had been tortuous. The demarcation of new local authority wards took four long years to complete the process in 2016. The mixed electoral system was much debated; the Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Act No 1 of 2016 made it mandatory for political parties to include 25 percent women in the candidates list. The Local Authorities Elections (Amendment) Act No 16 of 2017 changed the ratio between the first-past-post and proportional representation systems of voting from 70:30 to 60:40 to ensure fair representation of minorities.   

Though local issues dominate the LG elections, they serve as a national barometer of political parties strength at the grass root level. This has made political parties nervous as they are not certain about their performance on two counts. Firstly, they are not clear how the mixed electoral system would impact their performance. Secondly, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) led by President Sirisena’s unity talks with pro-Mahinda Rajapaksa faction of SLFP has failed. The latter will be contesting under the banner of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (Sri Lanka Citizens Front) formed sometime back. With former president Rajapaksa sotto vocethrowing spanners into Sirisena’s works to keep his flock, SLFP’s votes in traditional support bases are likely to be split. Any adverse impact of the split has the potential to adversely affect the future of President Sirisena’s leadership of the party and his ability to contain, if not prevail over, Rajapaksa’s influence within SLFP.   

As both the factors are germane to President Sirisena dominant role in the unity government, the election results could also affect the durability of the SLFP-UNP alliance and determine the longevity of the coalition government.

For the present, President Sirisena probably has better chances as he enjoys the advantage of being in power with a B+ track record, not as badly tarnished as the Rajapaaksa regime.  

The LG elections will also put the durability of the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) led by veteran political leader Rajavarothiam Sampanthan under the lense. The TNA in spite of holding the majority in the Northern Provincial Council (NPC) had not been able to make good of all its election promises. Both the NPC chief minister C Wigneswaran and some of the alliance leaders like Suresh Premachandran of the Eelam Peoples’ Revolutionary Liberation Front (EPRLF) had blamed Sampanthan’s constructive and non-confrontational approach in dealing with the Sirisena government for not fulfilling the aspirations of the Tamil people. As early as January 2017, Premachandran had demanded the octogenarian leader Sampanthan and the articulate general secretary M Sumanthiran to resign from alliance leadership for below par performance.

However, TNA leadership seems to have handled the internal schism fairly well. After the EPRLF quit the alliance last month, TNA managed to finalise its candidates for the LG polls. Chief Minister Wigneswaran’s announcement that he would remain neutral in the polls would probably work better for the TNA, than its detractors.  

The Election Commission Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya at a meeting with political party representatives announced the guidelines for conducting election without causing inconvenience to the public. The guidelines include: allowing only one official party office per electorate; allowing display of propaganda posters only in the party office; limiting the groups canvassing for votes to ten members and conducting of election rallies only with prior police permission.

The independent election monitoring group - Peoples Action for Free and Fair Elections (PAAFREL) - has handed over to the Inspector General of Police a list of 32 candidates contesting the forthcoming LG polls with alleged criminal record of rape, murder, theft, financial frauds and corruption. The organization urged the IG to keep a close watch over these persons, during the election period.  The chief opposition whip and leader of the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) Anura Dissanayake has alleged that both the SLFP and the UNP had nominated tainted candidates, some of who had seven to eight criminal cases against them.

Despite such ominous signs, some hopes would be kindled to see President Sirisena starting the poll campaign saying “I am not sure who will be axed with my sword in my mission to have clean politicians.” The SLFP and UPFA participants at the meeting took a pledge to dedicate themselves to elect “educated representatives with high integrity, free of fraud and corruption to work in accordance with the conscience of the public for the protection of the motherland.” But, have we not seen such promises in the past evaporating into thin air after the elections?

In such an environment, one cannot fault Sri Lankans hoping to use the LG polls in the New Year to herald a period of constructive politics. Why not? People everywhere live only on hopes!

Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, January 2018 issue                   www.security-risks.com

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com Blog: http://col.hariharan.info