Sunday, 17 September 2023

Some thoughts on Channel-4 video on Easter Sunday attacks

Col R Hariharan                         l 

The British TV Channel recently beamed a video alleging a conspiracy to facilitate the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa as President was behind the local radical Islamic terrorist attacks carried out in Sri Lanka on Easter Sunday, April 21, 2019. The Channel 4 video has stirred up a lot of controversy in the restive nation whose people had driven out the Rajapaksa clan in a spontaneous “Aragalaya” uprising 18 months back. 

The Easter Sunday attacks were carried out by terrorists belonging to the National Thauheeth Jama’ath (NTJ), a local outfit owing allegiance to the ISIS (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria). Six of them targeted three churches and three luxury hotels, killing 269 people and injuring over 500 others. At least 45 foreigners were also killed. Police investigations afterwards revealed the involvement of nine people in the attacks. 

People were shocked to learn that Indian intelligence had warned Sri Lanka Intelligence Service (SIS) of the impending attacks on Easter Sunday ten days in advance. Despite this, the government failed to act upon it. The SIS passed on the information to President Maithripala Sirisena, without informing Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and Inspector General of Police. After the attacks, a parliamentary select committee (PSC) deliberated on the subject. Apart from this, law enforcement agencies investigated the terrorist trail and a smaller presidential inquiry was formed to look at systemic failure and individual accountability for the failure.

Both lines of investigation unravelled socio-political aberrations that encouraged, if not condoned, the evolution of NTJ as a hate spouting radical Islamic outfit and its transformation into an ISIS clone. It has also revealed the strong influence of radical Thauheeth ideology between Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka on the one hand and the role of IS sympathisers in India and other countries in transforming NTJ into an active IS-inspired outfit.

It is in this backdrop the following questions are answered.

Q1. Some accuse the government of not being serious about solving the Easter Sunday Attacks amidst new allegations that the Rajapaksas are involved in it, and this new committee is just a ruse, what are your thoughts? 

Firstly, Sri Lanka is suffering from a credibility gap between the government and the people for a long time now. In recent times, it started when Mahinda Rajapaksa allowed triumphalism to overtake good sense after the defeat of the Tamil Tigers in 2009. He brought the three arms of good governance – the executive, judiciary and the legislature – under the family control. The executive president became all powerful after tinkering with the constitution; intelligence agencies called the shots and the rule of law was given the go by.

The totally disenchanted-public denied the President Mahinda Rajapaksa a third term and opted for rule by the unnatural coalition government of President Sirisena and PM Wickremesinghe. They proved no better, as they prioritised the protection of their turf rather than delivering good governance. No inquiry ordered in their time - whether it was into the Rajapaksas “illegal wealth abroad” or criminal misuse of office – was ever completed. The public was shocked when they learnt that no action was taken by Sri Lanka government though its intelligence service had received a warning ten days earlier from Indian intelligence of the impending Jihadi terrorist attack on Easter Sunday from Indian intelligence. The successful attacks were a logical sequence of the schism between President Sirisena and PM Wickremesinghe. Both of them were responsible for it, though President Sirisena who had received the information on the impending attack was more irresponsible than the PM.

The terrorist attacks were carried out when the presidential poll was around the corner. Government’s failure pushed the electorate to vote for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the ‘Terminator’ who “vanquished” Prabhakaran and his ilk. But Gotabaya’s rule to establish Buddha Sashana under the Rajapaksa family dispensation, rather than delivering good governance, was a disaster. All the criminal cases involving military personnel were withdrawn reinforcing the feeling of impunity of law enforcement agencies. The Covid pandemic, mindless taxation policies and disastrous agriculture policies exposed his inept understanding and handling of national crises. As a result, the national economy was in doldrums. As already stated, the Aragalaya upsurge of the people sent the Rajapaksas scurrying to safety both at home and abroad. Public credibility in political parties and the government perhaps reached the bottom when economic woes plunged the nation into bankruptcy.

President Wickremesinghe is in office as a stop gap arrangement till the at the pleasure of Rajapaksas as their Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and a motley collection of MPs including some from the opposition, who are not ready for a parliamentary poll. The President is busy salvaging the nation from economic disaster with the help of the IMF and friendly countries. There is increasing clamour for holding the much-delayed provincial council elections, as well as the parliamentary elections as the present parliament has lost public credibility.

There will be lot of takers for the Channel 4 video alleging the Easter Sunday attacks was a conspiracy hatched for Gotabaya Rajapaksa to gain votes in the presidential poll, as he has lost political credibility.  The allegations are a mix of facts and fiction vocalised by backroom Sinhala, Tamil and Muslim political operators with possible access to Gotabaya Rajapaksa. As a follow up, President Wickremesinghe has appointed a presidential commission and a parliamentary select committee, just as President Sirisena did after the Easter Sunday attack took place. The closure of the findings of that Commission is still on the cards.

It has become the characteristic of successive governmentso in Colomb to appoint a parliamentary select committee and a presidential commission on any controversial national issue. After a few contrarian opinions aired in the media, the issue is wished away from public domain. As Sir Humphrey Appleby of Yes Minister fame says “it is always a victory of the heartless over the mindless.”

Q2. Do you think international involvement is required to ensure the investigation is fully transparent and the true culprits are brought to justice if this Easter Attacks was part of a sinister plan to bring the Rajapaksas to power?

After the Easter Sunday attacks the Scotland Yard, the FBI etc were approached as part of the investigation. What role they played in the investigation is still not clear. It is not enough if culprits are identified but must be brought to book. This requires not only systemic changes, but also political masters following the essential norms of good governance.

In this environment, it is not surprising that the government has not opted for international involvement. If they had done so, it will set a precedence for international participation into investigations into Sri Lanka’s human rights violations during the Eelam war demanded by the UN Human Rights Commission.

The Ministry of Defence has already come out in defence of intelligence agencies; this is perhaps a signal on how the investigation is likely to end. There is not much hope about the parliamentary select committee either; after all everyone involved in the “conspiracy” belong to the same political class as the PSC members.

Most of the members’ political value lies in purveying secrets. I can’t help quoting Sir Appleby again: “He would keep a secret must keep it a secret that hath a secret to keep.”

In any case, most of the public probably consider it as part of the drama politicians like to enact. I don’t think the public have huge expectations of anything better.

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Email: haridirect@gmail.com  Website: https://col.hariharan.info]    

 

Monday, 4 September 2023

Sri Lanka: Caught between a rock and a hard place

 Col R Hariharan | Sri Lanka Perspectives August 2023 | South Asia Security Trends September 2023 | www.security-risks.com

 

President Ranil Wickremesinghe is caught between a rock and a hard place, both externally and internally. Externally, t[he Indian Ocean Region (IOR) is getting turbulent with the big power confrontation between the US and its allies on the one hand, and China on the other. It threatens to spill over beyond Asia-Pacific. The sparring between the two global powers is turning bitter every day around Taiwan and accidental triggering of skirmish cannot be ruled out.

The four-nation ‘Quad’ - quadrilateral framework of India-the US-Japan-Australia, apparently a non-military alliance, is gaining relevance. It is ushering in close cooperation in manufacturing, logistics and political issues, that will strengthen their military posture. The AUKUS – Australia-US – military alliance is poised to introduce the nuclear triad in the Indo-Pacific theatre. The most unlikely trilateral alliance of the US-Japan- South Korea has come into being; it is unabashedly against China and its protégé North Korea, flaunting their military strength in their vicinity.

Chinese economy is five times larger, with a GDP of $17.7 trillion versus India’s GDP of $3.5 trillion China’s economy that went down in the wake of President Xi Jinping’s mishandling of the lock downs during the Covid pandemic disrupting the supply chains is yet to recover. The economic fall out of the Ukraine war has made it worse. The Chinese Yuan has fallen to its lowest level in 16 years.

On the other hand, India’s economy is growing at 6.5 percent. Under these circumstances, China’s first option will be to expand its trade in South Asia, particularly with India despite its soured relations. Their two-way trade has grown to a whopping $130 billion in 2022. China’s second priority will be to resuscitate President Xi’s prestigious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) projects that have become a drag on the Chinese economy, particularly in Sri Lanka and Pakistan. By September 2023, BRI will be celebrating its tenth anniversary and we can expect a slew of Chinese initiatives to ensure the success of ailing BRI projects. 

India, the dominant regional power, is poised to strengthen its all-round relations with the US, particularly after President Joe Baiden visits New Delhi in September to attend the G20 summit meet.

The latest 19th round of talks between Indian and Chinese military commanders in Eastern Ladakh over China’s border transgressions has achieved little progress. China’s speedy construction of military infrastructure in the area shows the border problem is in for a long haul. China’s latest cartographic aggression by publishing maps showing Indian territory of Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh as Chinese territory only confirms this.

After the Galwan clash in May 2020, India has shown it is determined not to allow China a free run in its neighbourhood, particularly in Sri Lanka and Maldives. India’s overtures to help Sri Lanka recover from bankruptcy, have been reciprocated and the relations between the two are closer than ever before.

China will be factoring these developments in analysing President Wickremesinghe’s bid to deepen strategic relations with India to strengthen Sri Lanka’s economy. China probably understands  President Wickremesinghe cannot wish away the helping hand extended by India when Sri Lanka is in dire straits. President Mahinda Rajapaksa, during his tenure, unsuccessfully tried to do so with little success. Besides, President Wickremesinghe needs India’s continued assistance for economic recovery, particularly after China has not helped it to conform to IMF conditions.

During President Wickremesinghe’s two-day visit to New Delhi last month. India and Sri Lanka agreed upon an economic partnership vision to speed up Sri Lanka’s economic recovery. The vision document’s title “Promoting Connectivity, Catalysing Prosperity: India-Sri Lanka Economic Partnership Vision” contains the key elements of the partnership. The plan is to strengthen the maritime, air, energy and people-to-people connectivity between the two countries. They have signed six energy agreements, including an oil pipeline from India to Sri Lanka, electricity grid connectivity and cooperation on renewable energy.

India’s decision to allow the use of Indian rupee for trade settlement between the two countries and allowing the use of UPI based digital payment system is likely to boost trade and tourism. Already there are signs of progress in tourist arrivals in Sri Lanka and we can expect it to grow exponentially when ferry services and air connectivity are beefed up.

With South India becoming an industrial and IT hub, a multipurpose infrastructure link with Sri Lanka would bring a sea change in economic growth of the island nation. With Tamil Nadu becoming the heartland of automobile industry and IT manufacture, such a link would particularly benefit the Northern and Eastern provinces.

A land bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka across the Palk Strait is one of the ideas mooted in the wake of the joint vision statement. Actually, it is not a new idea; it was proposed in 2004 by the then PM Ranil Wickremesinghe. He sought India’s help to build the “Hanuman Bridge”. The proposal for a 23 km long Palk Strait Bridge met with intense opposition in Sri Lanka. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Ms Jayalalithaa was also opposed to the idea on security considerations.

According to Indian Express, in 2015, India’s transport minister Nitin Gadkari proposed to build the ‘Hanuman bridge’. The bridge was proposed to be built with the aid of the Asian Development Bank as a part of the trans Asian road network. However, it was shot down by Sri Lanka’s minister for highways Lakshman Kiriella. He said We are against it because people of Sri Lanka are opposed to it. We cannot let India build a bridge.” As Sri Lanka had joined the BRI just then, apparently Sri Lanka did not want to upset China  

It will not be easy for the President to politically sell the idea of a land bridge with India, particularly when his tenure depends upon the support of Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) with its strong Sinhala nationalist moorings. The Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and its cohorts would jump at the proposal and use anti-India rhetoric to rally the people for yet another Aragalaya movement to “topple” the President. It is surprising that even a non- political personality like Colombo Archbishop Malcom Cardinal Ranjith has recently opposed the land bridge proposal from the pulpit. 

And of course, China carefully watching India’s moves in Sri Lanka will not be amused; it will muscle-in both overtly and covertly to discourage the President from considering the land bridge project. Already, China is smarting under Sri Lanka discarding a few sanctioned proposals of Chinese companies and opting for India to execute them. China specializes in ‘grey zone warfare’. We can expect in the coming months Sri Lanka becoming the target of China’s propaganda blitz using overt and covert means to discourage, if not disrupt, closer Sri Lanka-India relations. Overall, the President is in an unviable hot seat, likely to get hotter. 

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Email: haridirect@gmail.com  Website: https://col.hariharan.info]