[This article was written on April 21, 2011; since then, Aung San Suu Kyi and NLD members have been sworn in as members of parliament. The article is reproduced here courtesy South Asia Magazine, May 2012 issue which carries it]
Testing Political Acumen
Emerging victorious, Aung San Suu Kyi has created quite an impression in Myanmar
and beyond. But how much political refinement will she need before she is ready
to face the real battle for democracy?
By Col R Hariharan (retd)
Nobel laureate,
Aung San Suu Kyi who had been leading the struggle for democracy led the
National League for Democracy (NLD) to a resounding victory in the recent
parliamentary by-elections in Myanmar. The re-entry of Suu Kyi and the NLD in
Myanmar politics opens a new chapter in the troubled history of this nation.Undoubtedly,
Suu Kyi’s charismatic leadership and tremendous popularity bagged 44 of the 45
seats for the NLD.
But even token
NLD representation in the parliament is of far-reaching political significance
because Suu Kyi’s presence as
a member in the House will compensate for the numbers.
With her entry in
the parliament, the military leadership, orchestrating the government from
behind, will be under tremendous
pressure to preserve its special status assured under the 2008 Constitution.
The NLD had boycotted the entire army-engineered constitution-making process
from the very beginning untilthe 2010 general elections. NLD’s fundamental
objection to the 2008 Constitution was that it legitimized the military role in
a multi-party democracy.
However, NLD’s
participation in the by-elections under the 2008 Constitution indicates a major
shift in its political stance. President Thein Sein’s positive and face saving
response to some of NLD’s objections appear to have influenced Suu Kyi’s
decision to join the political mainstream. Her attitudinal change apparently started
in 2007. Former UN Special Envoy, Razali Ismail, noted in April 2007 that Suu
Kyi “had come a longway to realize that democracy can only be done through the
generals, with the latter still in the driving seat. This realization of hers
is in stark contrast to the impervious, principled and unbending Suu Kyi I had
met over twenty meetings ago.”
Apparently, Suu
Kyi has opted for political pragmatism rather than democratic dogmatism as a
means to achieve her goal. Thanks to President Thein Sein’s positive push and
the entry of Suu Kyi and the NLD in the parliament, the democratic process
might gather its own momentum whetting the appetite for more peoples’
participation with a diminished role for the army.
This would
coincide with Suu Kyi’s goal of a democracy free from military over lordship.
How the military leadership would respond to this remains the million-dollar
question. This makes the reform process fragile and vulnerable to military
leadership’s susceptibilities. In a video speech addressing Carleton University
students last month, Suu Kyi, striking a word of caution stated, “Ultimate
power still rests with the army so until we have the army solidly behind the
process of democratization we cannot say we have got to a point where there
will no longer be a U-turn. Many people are beginning to say that the
democratization process is irreversible. It is not so.”
Even now, the NLD
has to overcome small constitutional roadblocks that impede freewheeling
democratic functioning in parliament. There is a constitutional requirement for
parliament members to take an oath to “protect” the constitution. Newly elected
NLD members, including Suu Kyi, have deferred their oath taking.
However, Suu Kyi
has clarified that the NLD was not boycotting the parliament but only awaiting
for the oath to be suitably amended with a phrase like “respect the
constitution” to make it more acceptable to them. This is a clear indication
that Suu Kyi would like to avoid confronting the government on such functional
issues. In light of all this, Suu Kyi is planning to travel overseas for the
first time in 24 years, probably because she feels confident of the present
scheme of things. This would also indicate that she may not take any
precipitate action to rock the on-going democratic process.
It is expected
that she would stabilize her party’s political presence, explore all avenues
available within the present constitutional set up and work towards a building
a consensus to amend the constitution to make it more democratic.
The recent by
elections came under close international scrutiny as they were considered a
barometer for the progress of democratization of the country. There is a great
deal of international optimism now as the elections were largely conducted
fairly. The U.S. ambassador to the UN, Susan Rice, chairing the UNSC meeting on
Myanmar, described the elections as a “historic and critical step on the path
to consolidating and strengthening Myanmar’s democratic reforms.”
In a bid to
encourage Myanmar’s democratization process, international sanctions slapped on
the country are being loosened. Already the European Union has announced the suspension
of sanctions – except for arms sale – for one year. The EU’s foreign policy
chief, Catherine Ashton said the bloc aimed to support progress in Myanmar “so
it becomes irreversible.”
The U.S. has
lifted the ban on investments in Myanmar as the first step. As the
democratization process proceeds apace, other U.S. sanctions are likely to be
lifted fully, sooner than later. With such broad based international support,
the international community hopes that not only the Thein Sein government, but
also the military leadership would be encouraged to continue the
democratization process.
Myanmar is a huge
reservoir of under exploited natural resources including natural gas. To
resource hungry nations, it offers tremendous investment opportunities. Its
infrastructure requirements are many and its development into a modern nation
provides plenty of opportunities for international business. Already world
leaders are making a beeline to Myanmar; David Cameron, the British Prime
Minister made a quick trip to Myanmar and Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is
scheduled to visit soon.
President Thein
Sein appears to be conscious of these complexities; he had been keeping Suu Kyi
in the loop on important issues. However, whether he would continue to retain the
confidence of the military leadership might determine the progress of the
democratization process.
A brewing threat
to progress in Myanmar is the stalled reconciliation process with ethnic
militant groups waging war against the state ever since independence.
Historically, the inability of civilian government to tackle these
insurgencies, particularly by the Karens, Kachins and Shans, in 1962 had
provided a valid reason for the army to usurp power. Conscious of this danger,
both Suu Kyi (and NLD leaders) and President Thein Sein have been holding talks
with insurgent group leaders with limited success.
Only a strong
democratic government can guarantee an equitable role for ethnic minorities to
participate in nation building. One can only hope that the Myanmar leadership
collectively realizes its responsibility in ensuring this. With no doubt, this
would be the biggest challenge for Suu Kyi.
Written on April
21, 2012
Courtesy: South
Asia magazine, May 2012
2 comments:
Let's assume Aung San Suu Kyi becomes the President of Myanmar. Will the Karens, Kachins etc. stop fighting and give up their demand for freedom? Unlikely. Will Aung San Suu Kyi be able to continue with harsh suppresion of such minorities? Most probably not. If she does, she will lose much of the international goodwill she holds. In other words, if Aung San Suu Kyi manages to win the ultimate seat, Myanmar may breakup.
Ref Winnowed's comments:
You have raised some very valid questions. Yes; ethnic insurgency will determine the future of democracy. Actually ethnic insurgent leaders have greater faith in Aung San Suu Kyi than in the army.Already some of the ethnic group leaders have met with Suu Kyi. Give me a little time, I am actually in the process of writing a piece on the future of ethnic insurgency in Myanmar.
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