LTTE’s current status and activities: Q & A

LTTE’s current status and activities: Q & A

Col R Hariharan

[This an extract of my answers e-mail to questions raised by a European NGO.]

Questions: Have there been any recent incidences of human rights abuses perpetrated by the LTTE? (Such as for example extrajudicial and targeted killings, arbitrary arrest and detention, forced recruitment or abuses of deserters, or forced displacement)

Answer: No; not in Sri Lanka.  However, Tamil political trends indicate a tendency to perpetuate the glory of its leader Prabhakaran, particularly among the student community. It has found some political traction also. If this trend gains political strength, it could attract released former LTTE cadres (around 10,000) in Northern Province who are not gainfully employed and kin of cadres and leaders who were killed. That could result in extortion, illegal tax levies, targeted killing of informers etc among the evils you had stated. But I do not visualize it to happen in the near term (5 years) as Tamil polity is more pragmatic now and a leader of the caliber of Prabhakaran has not yet emerged (I doubt whether it would ever happen). Moreover, at present the government and Tamil leaders are working together to rationalize the ethnic reconciliation process and its progress could be a disincentive for the return of extremism.

Question: Does the LTTE still have the capacity to carry out such activities?

Answer: No. The pro-LTTE Diaspora elements made a few efforts to infiltrate a few LTTE cadres into Sri Lanka have been crushed by Sri Lanka and India. A few of years ago, they had used Tamil Nadu as the launching pad for triggering LTTE activity in Sri Lanka. However, Tamil Nadu police have managed to dismantle cells indulging in such efforts. Another reason is the LTTE influence among Tamil Diaspora particularly in Canada and EU has weakened; this should not be confused with the Tamil Diaspora’s large scale support for the demand for autonomy or international investigation into war crimes and other human rights aberrations.  The LTTE’s control over a large number of Diaspora organizations has changed. However, the LTTE still has financial and business assets created in the past, particularly in EU. These could become a source of funding such efforts in the future if the environment in Sri Lanka is conducive for separatism. This was how the LTTE grew into a powerful organization.    

Question: Are paramilitary groups/paramilitary wing of some parties in Sri Lanka still active and/or influential?

Answer: With the exit of Mahinda Rajapaksa from power, paramilitary wings have lost much of their influence and relevance to pressurize people. Moreover, Military Intelligence which had enjoyed a lot of patronage during the previous regime to use paramilitary as coercive instrument of power outside the pale of law is at present under a lot of pressure from the government. The government is unraveling the illegal activities of the past in which the MI along with the police are suspected to have been involved. 

Sri Lanka: Is it good bye to ‘good governance’?

Sri Lanka: Is it good bye to ‘good governance’?

Col R Hariharan

People who overwhelmingly voted the President Maithripala Sirisena-Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe alliance to power expecting it to fulfill their promise of yahapalana (good governance) have been shocked by President Sirisena’s strident comments questioning the integrity of the agencies carrying out investigations into cases of corruption, bribery, criminal and financial misconduct. 

The President speaking at a function at the Sri Lanka Foundation Institute warned that he would take action against Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) and the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) for working to political agendas at the cost of justice.  The President seems to have been irked at the agencies giving cause to the opposition to accuse him of political witch hunt; obviously, this referred to the large number of corruption and criminal investigations now going against politicians and armed forces officers. According to the Island newspaper, the President also said that hauling up the former naval chiefs and former defence secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa before the court in connection with the arms storage company Avant Garde Maritime Services (AGMS) case. 

He accused those in charge of investigations of misleading him. Referring to the indefinite custody of members of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) held in connection with the disappearance of cartoonist Ekneligoda and the killing of Sunday Leader editor Lasantha Wickrematunga, the President said the courts should be moved to get them released or given bail pending court proceedings. It is significant that soon after the President’s tirade, the court released on bail Udalagam, an army intelligence officer accused of assassinating Lasantha Wickrmetunge. 

President Sirisena’s reference to cases connected with armed forces was perhaps made to reaffirm his support to the armed forces which have been perturbed ever since Sri Lanka agreed to conduct a judicial probe into alleged war crimes committed during the Eelam war. The issue war crimes issue would again come up at the UN Human Rights Council meeting in March 2017. 

In a stinging attack on “certain media organizations, journalists and NGOs” and “traitorous forces,” President Sirisena reaffirmed his confidence in armed forces “no matter how much they criticize, oppose or attack me, I will never lose confidence in the armed forces and will always be committed to do the utmost for the welfare, honour and dignity of the three armed forces and our heroic soldiers.” He added that “he was not ready to compromise national security in order to please NGOs.” 

The President said though the government had successfully promoted reconciliation between the communities to create an environment that strengthens inter-communal harmony during the last one and half years, certain groups and organizations ideologically in favour of separatism have not been destroyed. And they were waiting for an opportunity to create trouble for Sri Lanka and people must be on guard.  

Reacting strongly to President Sirisena’s stinging criticism, the CIABOC Director General Dilrukshi Wickramasinghe tendered her resignation. In an interview, she denied the Commission was politicized. She said there were 90 politicians under investigation and none of the case files have been closed as alleged by some politicians. She added that she did not select any investigation or interfered with the investigations.  

President Sirisena’s statement was in direct contradiction of his own stand in the past on corruption and financial misappropriation; other leaders of the ruling alliance including Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe have been plugging the line of corruption free governance. The civil society and anti-Rajapaksa leaders have already been peeved at the slow progress in bringing to book scam-tainted leaders who thrived during the previous regime. They see the President’s strident statement as an effort to cover up his cronies in SLFP involved in scams. This could also test durability of the cohabitation rule of the SLFP and the UNP unity government. Serious doubts have been raised about the government sincerity in cleaning up governance where corruption has become part of life, in keeping with what seems to be South Asian tradition.

Going on a damage control mode, the cabinet spokesman and Health Minister Rajitha Senaratne said President Sirisena never raised objections to Gotabaya Rajapaksa or former military chiefs being questioned on fraud or corruption. He accused the media of misreporting it and asked them to correct it. He further said the President was not happy at some of the serious allegations of corruptions being ignored.

Perhaps as yet another damage control measure, the government tabled the report of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) report on the alleged scam in the Central Bank Treasury Bond issue in February 2015 to fulfill a long standing political and civil society demand. PM Wickremesinghe had been accused of shielding the former Central Bank governor Arjuna Mahendran’s, considered the PM’s protégé, suspected of involvement in the scam. The investigation report ruled that Arjuna Mahendran was “directly responsible for the transaction” which allowed a company linked to his son-in-law to rake in large profits from the auction. The PM has assured further action would be taken on the advice of the Attorney General.

In another shocking incident, the President’s claim of good governance and successfully promoting ethnic reconciliation to strengthens inter-communal harmony has come under serious threat after the police shot and killed two Jaffna youth undergraduates riding a motorcycle in Kokkuvil (Jaffna peninsula). According to the police, they opened fire when the youth did not obey their order to stop. The incident triggered protests not only in Northern Province, but in the whole nation which has been living with police excesses for long.  University students all over the island protested in solidarity with Jaffna university students who went on a strike, indicating the issue was beyond the ethnic divide.  Though the five policemen involved in the incident were remanded to custody, the crude police attempts initially to cover up the criminal act indicated that police reforms are still a work in progress.  PM Wickremesinghe has promised an impartial inquiry would be carried out. Unless the government swiftly takes follow up action the incident could provide yet another opportunity for separatist elements to build up their support among Tamils.

President Sirisena as a shrewd politician had probably made his statement with a lot of deliberation to reinforce his constituency within the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) and to retain the support of some of the political leaders targeted in various investigations. He also appears to be on the move to rebuild his fractured relations with the army, which had been under stress for some time. In a bid to put at rest speculations about the survival of the cohabitation government, Prime Minister Wickremesinghe reiterated its importance to complete the reforms process as agreed upon by the leaders.

In any case, the SLFP and UNP - the two major cohabitation partners - have internal as well as external compulsions to maintain their cohabitation.  Any crack could provide an opening for former president Mahinda Rajapaksa to stage a political comeback.  Unity would also help Sri Lanka’s cause to face the international community with confidence at the UNHRC. It could also enable the European Union to favourably consider Sri Lanka’s request now under consideration for restoration of the Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP+) scheme for duty waiver to Sri Lankan exports. The EU had cancelled the GSP+ concession to Sri Lanka for aberrations in governance during the Rajapaksa regime.  

Written on October 31, 2016

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and the South Asia Analysis Group. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com

Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends,  November 2016 issue. www.security-risks.com

Modi did not fail India at BRICS, though ties with Russia are worrying

PM’s description of cross border terrorism emanating from India's neighbouring country made his intent to isolate Pakistan clear.

POLITICS | 6-minute read | 19-10-2016

COLONEL R HARIHARAN @colhari2

If we go by the comments of the Congress party on the just concluded BRICS summit and some of the analyses carried out in print and electronic media, including the 150-character “wisdom” cluttering the ether, Prime Minister Narendra Modi “failed” to get members to deliver “the knockout blow on Pakistan” as one scribe put it.

Such comments are not unexpected as these spin merchants always spew anti-Mode rhetoric, whether relevant or not, on any issue.

Remember, they demanded proof after the Indian Army announced carrying out the surgical strike across the LoC?  It only exposes the grand old party’s continuing leadership vacuum.

In the midst of the invasion of these “hidden persuaders” (with apologies to Vance Packard who wrote the classic on manipulative advertising with the same title in 1957), we seem to have forgoten that multilateral summits are serious diplomatic exercises to evolve an acceptable minimum to further the objectives of participating nations.

Of course, PM Mode had kindled a lot of expectations before the Summit to persuade the member-nations to isolate Pakistan as a part of India’s strategy to fight cross-border terrorism. He had also been trying to muster international support for his strategy in all the international conclaves he participated after Uri and Pathankot attacks.

The BRICS members come from four continents. At this point in time, their collective strength comes from their growing technological and economic prowess with their total estimated GDP (2015) at $34.415 trillion and their influence over nearly half the world’s population estimated at 3.6 billion people and over nearly one third of global land mass.

Their perspectives are conditioned not only by their cultural, historical and developmental experiences but also their strengths  in the global geo-strategic environment.  

Despite their differing world views, BRICS members have also come together to further their common aspiration to be recognized for their status as globally reckonable emerging economic entities with matching strategic clout.

The joint statements are not spun out of thin air but after close interaction and discussion between the representatives of member countries based on a collective agenda finalized well before the summit. The statements are carefully drafted so it cannot be misconstrued by others.

Evolving acceptable semantics couched in diplomatese is an exercise best left to diplomats, with the leaders providing only key operative elements.

Diplomats by training are capable of saying without meaning and at times they’re intentionally vague and cautious.

Official writings are also couched carefully drafted sentences to stand political and legal scrutiny both at home and abroad. Sometimes, bloopers do occur; India’s faux pas in the joint statement after Sharm el-Sheikh meeting between Indian and Pakistan prime ministers in November 2009 is one such example. 

India after taking over the chairmanship of BRICS from February 2016 has tried to infuse a lot energy into the grouping.

A a lot of events and meetings covering cultural, trade and commerce and issues of governance already took place before the Summit to add more form and content to the grouping. The first meeting of the BRICS Joint Working Group on Counter Terrorism on September 14, 2016 in New Delhi with BRICS with the participation of member countries’ national security representatives.

This was apparently part of PM Modi’s international agenda to promote international cooperation to fight growing menace of cross border terrorism the world over.

The theme of the 8^th BICS Summit held at Goa “Building Responsive, Inclusive and Collective Solutions” (giving full play to Prime Minister Modi’s penchant for pnemonics) clarifies its objective. Apart from international terrorism, the agenda included financial, development, infrastructure and environmental issues.

The members air their views freely during the bilateral meetings of leaders to provide a better understanding of their perspective during the plenary session. In conformity with global practice on such conferences, only the nuanced wording of the statement indicates the members’ accepted takeaways while omissions give an inkling of their differences.  

If we go by this yardstick, the key players Russia, China and India had different strokes for different folks including their domestic audience.

PM Modi’s press statement at the conclusion of the summit on October 16 covered the gamut of issues covered in the three sessions. These include exchange of views on important global issues, including terrorism, global economic scenario and the need to reform global governance architecture.

PM Modi’s speeches at the Summit strongly stressed on terrorism as the biggest threat to development and governance. Though he did not name Pakistan, his description of  cross border terrorism emanating from India’s neigbhouring country made his intent to press for isolating Pakistan clear.

Similarly, China had made clear its position as a strong ally of Pakistan well in advance when it deferred India’s application for NSG membership on “technical grounds.” It also continues to block the UN Security Council naming Masood Azhar as a terrorist, though he leads the Jaish e-Mohammad (JeM) an organization proscribed by the UN.

Though the Goa declaration specifically mentioned “the recent several attacks, against some BRICS countries, including that in India” and strongly condemned terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, Pakistan was not specifically named. This fell short of public expectations fanned by PM Modi’s high decibel speeches at the Summit.

India probably expected China to dilute any reference to Pakistan. But it was disappointing to note that its objection prevailed against including any reference to both Lashkar e Tayyaba and JeM (both figuring on the UN list of global terrorist organizations) though Islamic State and al Qaeda found a place.

It should be of some consolation to India that China agreed to include two operative sentences: “There can be no justification whatsoever for any acts of terrorism, whether based upon ideological, religious, political, racial, ethnic or any other reasons” and “we also agreed that those who nurture, shelter, support and sponsor such forces of violence and terror are as much a threat to us as the terrorists themselves.”

In the Indian context they would point to Pakistan.

Similarly, PM Modi’s appeal to all nations to adopt a comprehensive approach in combating terrorism including recruitment and movement of terrorists including foreign terrorists and blocking sources of terrorists finance and countering misuse of Internet and social media has also found a place in the Goa declaration. This resonates with his relentless efforts to promote a holistic international effort to counter terrorism.

But India’s evergreen ally Russia soft pedaling Indian approach on state-sponsored terrorism comes as a disappointment.

Only a day before president Putin had assured PM Modi that Russia would do nothing to hurt India’s interests and a signed a slew of agreements to supply state-of-the-art armaments. Did Chinese influence prevail over Russia to change its mind? Or is it the lure of selling arms to Pakistan? Could it be a subtle warning to India to temper its new found bonhomie with the US?

Probably it is a mix of all these; but they certainly indicate India-Russia relations should not be taken for granted and need urgent refurbishing if not repair.

#India-Russia ties, #Narendra Modi, #BRICS summit Goa

Courtesy: India Today opinion portal DailyO.in

http://www.dailyo.in/politics/modi-was-not-a-failure-at-brics-summit-goa-china-russia-pakistan-putin-masood-azhar/story/1/13501.html

Viyugam - முன்னாள் இராணுவ அதிகாரி கர்னல் ஹரிஹரனுடன் ஓர் நேர்காணல் | 07.1...

Sri Lanka Perspectives: September 2016

Col R Hariharan

Constitution making and reconciliation pains

The painful process of constitution making has continued amidst pulls and pressures from Sri Lanka nationalist fringe on one end and the Tamil and Muslim minorities sounding the alarm over the various proposals aired by political parties. Major contentious issues include the Tamil demand for a federal structure, merger of Northern and Eastern provinces opposed by Sinhalas and Muslims and powers to be given to the provincial set up, current status of Buddhism and other religions in the constitution and the continuation of executive presidency.

Five of the six parliamentary sub committees set up to examine the proposals have submitted their reports to the steering committee headed by the prime minister for formulating a new constitution. However, the sub-committee on economic affairs was yet to submit its report. Once that is submitted, the steering committee would finalize the draft. The draft proposal would require two thirds majority approval in parliament. After parliamentary approval a referendum would be held before the new constitution comes into force. 

However, strident demands of sections of Tamils under the leadership of Northern Province Chief Minister CV Wigneswaran made at a recent massive rally in Jaffna have disturbed political leaders from the ruling Unity coalition as well as the Joint Opposition. The heat generated by it would probably help Basil Rajapaksa, brother of former minister Mahinda Rajapaksa to rally Rajapaksa-loyalists, fighting for political space, to form a new political party soon. It has already given a boost to the Sinhala Buddhist fringe party the Bodhu Bala Sena, which was sidelined with the rise of Sirisena to power.  

In a massive show of strength CV Wigneswaran led the protest march of thousands of people in Jaffna demanding immediate solution to long standing demands of Tamils. The demonstration organized by the Tamil Peoples Council (TPC) was held under the banner of ‘Ezhuga Thamizh’ (Rise up Tamils). The demands included withdrawal of army, end to state sponsored Sinhala colonization, international investigation into war crimes against Tamil people, erection of Buddhist symbols and statues in the North etc. The TNA which has already been projected to the government both inside and outside parliament disassociated itself from the rally. Smaller partners of the TNA coalition including the EPRLF and PLOTE participated, the main component Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) and Tamil Eelam Liberation Organisation (TELO) did not take part. Obviously, the main objective of the TPC led by Wigneswaran was to use the smaller members of the TNA coalition and pro-LTTE fringe elements to challenge P Sampanthan’s leadership of the TNA and the ITAK’s domination of Tamil political spectrum. The Tamil political schism and power struggle and the emergence of extreme elements could delay the constitution making process. 

President Sirisena at the UNGA

President Sirisena attended the 61^st session of the UN general assembly (UNGA) in New York on September 21. However, his UN address covered only Sri Lanka’s progress in various fields with only a brief reference to the reconciliation process. He said: “The government is totally committed to the reconciliation process to establish lasting peace. That would definitely prevent occurrence of another war in our country. Terrorism lasting three decades has ended and now we have undertaken the process of reconciliation among different communities.” He emphasized the need for international support to Sri Lanka to successfully face these challenges.

Among others, President Sirisena met with President Barack Obama and the US Secretary of State John Kerry on the side-lines of the UNGA. He explained the challenges the government faced from the destabilizing forces in the North as well as South, who wanted to deter the reconciliation process. However, he said that despite differences on the policies of the unity government, there was agreement on broad policy formulation. Kerry congratulated the President on the government’s achievements and reassured US support to the Sri Lankan government.

UN Secretary General Ban ki Moon’s farewell visit to Sri Lanka during the month had created a minor controversy when his speech bracketed Sri Lanka along with Rwanda where the UN felt responsible for the massacres that happened. This drew widespread condemnation from all sections of society. However, when the Secretary General met with President Sirisena during the UN general assembly meet, he clarified that his remark had been misunderstood as he never intended to compare Sri Lanka with Rwanda as projected by certain media. He highly appreciated President Sirisena’s total commitment to good governance and reconciliation.

Sri Lanka-India relations

Sri Lanka government has decided to pull out of the 19^th South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) summit conference to be held in Pakistan in November 2016 stating the “prevailing environment” was not conducive to hold the conference after deliberating over the decision for two days. Sri Lanka enjoys extremely cordial relations with Pakistan particularly for its timely help in meeting its requirement of arms during the Eelam war, when India could not fulfil its needs Without directly referring to India’s surgical strikes across the Line of Control in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir, Sri Lanka’s statement in SAARC expressed solidarity with India’s decision to carry out the operations, stressing “the need to deal with the issue of terrorism in the region in a decisive manner”. Thus Sri Lanka became the fifth country deciding not to attend the SAARC.

Two other India-related issues which had caused some concern in Sri Lanka came up during the month. Sri Lanka appears to have decided at last to give up the India-Sri Lanka joint project to set up a coal-fired 500 MW power at Sampur in the Eastern Province which had been delayed by a decade for various political and environmental reasons. However, India which has signed eight agreements with Sri Lanka relating to the project has not been informed of the decision. The Advocate General has informed the Supreme Court of the decision to opt out of the joint venture as the government preferred the project to use Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) or diesel instead of coal for power generation in keeping with its environmental policy. However, the Ceylon Electricity Board engineers’ union president Athula Wanniarachchi said the Sampur project was the only option to overcome the electricity demand at a low unit cost in 2017 and 2018. He alleged that diesel power plants coming up in Hambantota and Kerawalapitiya were being awarded to friends of the government though they would generate power at a higher cost.

India’s Minister for Commerce and Industry Ms Nirmala Sitharaman was in Colombo for talks on finalizing the Economic and Technological Cooperation Agreement (ETCA). She said India would invest $2 billion in Sri Lanka in the next three to four years. On the ETCA, she met senior ministers and discussed the terms of the agreement which had some issues that need to be sorted out. Though both the countries are keen to finalize the agreement, opposition from IT and medical professionals, trade unions and sections of business have held it up. Sri Lanka’s Minister of Development Strategies and International Trade Malik Samarawickrama said the two countries would complete the negotiations as soon as possible. The ETCA is widely expected to be signed by end of the year. 

Miscellaneous

LTTE leaders buy their way out: In a startling revelation Minister of Foreign Affairs Mangala Samaraweera has revealed that over 200 LTTE members including several prominent leaders managed to obtain safe passage out of the country after they paid money to an official of the Ministry of defence during the Rajapaksa regime. The matter was under investigation now. The minister was speaking at an awareness programme for heads of media institutions on government programmes to build ethnic reconciliation and on the newly established Office of Missing Persons (OMP).

Tamil fringe elements assault Sri Lankan envoy: Pro-LTTE Tamils belonging to the local fringe outfit Naam Thamizhar Katchi (We Tamils Party) sporting T shirts with V Prabhakaran’s picture assaulted Sri Lankan High Commissioner in Malaysia Ibrahim Sahib Ansar within precincts of the Kuala Lumpur international airport on September 4. A day earlier, the Tamil group assaulted the chief priest of a Buddhist temple at Sentul, Kuala Lumpur. Though the incidents may appear minor ones, it assumes significance as the actual target was former Sri Lanka president Mahinda Rajapaksa who was visiting Malaysia to attend the 9^th International Conference of Asian Political Parties held from September 1 to 3. (The former president was probably visiting Kuala Lumpur to avoid attending the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) convention held on September 3 after losing control over the party.) A strong pro-Tiger lobby exists among Malaysia’s sizeable Tamil minority population. According to well known columnist DBS Jeyaraj when the Tamil activists learnt of Rajapaksa’s visit they wanted the government to ban his entry into Malaysia as they considered him a war criminal.

Written on September 30, 2016  

Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, October 2016 issue. www.security-risks.com

[Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force from 1987 to 90. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com Blog: http://col.hariharan.info ]

Sri Lanka Perspectives: August 2016

 Col R Hariharan

President Sirisena cracks the whip

President Maithripala Sirisena appointed 40 new electoral and district organizers of Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) after sacking 13 SLFP dissidents from the post of electoral organizers in ten districts. Last month, the President had warned the dissidents, who are loyalists of former president Mahinda Rajapaksa, that they would lose their posts unless they support party activities. 

After the sacking of dissidents from the party post, Mahinda Rajapaksa appointed a committee to deliberate  upon follow up action.  The dissidents have decided to form a new political party consisting of Rajapaksa loyalists of the SLFP who form the backbone of Rajapaksa’s United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) front and the Joint Opposition group in parliament.  The name of the party is yet to be decided.

However, the leftist allies of the UPFA- the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP), the Communist Party, the Democratic Left Front – are said to be lukewarm to the idea of forming a new party. They feel it would only strengthen Sirisena’s hold on the SLFP as he would have a free run.

Apparently, the President wanted to demonstrate his control over the party before the 65^th  SLFP national convention to be held on September 4. The dissidents after  taking part in a five-day rally organised by Rajapaksa loyalists in end of July 2016 had been increasingly opposing the actions taken by Sirisena government. In the meanwhile, the dissident group would like to stage a showdown by persuading party members to boycott the SLFP national convention.  Even after the SLFP dissidents form a new party, the Sirisena-Rajapaksa political tug of war is likely to continue.

Politics of the “missing and disappeared”

Sri Lanka parliament passed the Office of Missing Persons (OMP) on August 23. The OMP enactment is first reconciliation mechanism to be implemented by the government in compliance the 2015 UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) resolution.  It is apt that it came into being before “International Day of Enforced Disappearances” on August 30. The OMP provides a structural mechanism to handle enforced disappearances inflicted upon both Tamil and Sinhala population during Sri Lanka’s civil wars – during the JVP armed revolt in 1971 and 1987-89 and in the operations against the LTTE particularly in the Eelam war that ended in May 2009. 

In fact, the government announcement earlier this year that it would issue a certificate of absence to the relatives of over 65000 persons missing during the operations against the JVP and the LTTE, to enable them to benefit from government welfare schemes gives an idea of the problem faced by the government.

The OMP has been welcomed by civil society organizations and both the JVP and the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) parties  as it brings fresh hopes to thousands of families whose loved ones have been missing for years. The government has clarified the OMP was a truth seeking agency that does not make judgements on disputes. According to the act, the functions of the OMP are searching and tracing of missing persons, clarifying the circumstances in which such persons went missing and their fate, making recommendations to reduce such incidents of missing persons, and identifying  avenues for redress. As per the act, its findings would not give rise to any criminal or civil liability.  

However, the Joint Opposition has described the provisions of the OMP as draconian. Prof GL Peiris, former minister in Rajapaksa government, in a strong indictment of the OMP described it as “a fully fledged quasi-judicial mechanism with extensive coercive powers to compel giving of testimony and the production of documents and other material including sensitive military installations.” He said the OMP was envisaged to function entirely outside the country’s institutional framework as it denies the right to available information, not only to the public, but also to the courts of law.

The OMP is yet another example of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government’s efforts to improve the structural mechanism of governance that were degraded in the earlier years. This had resulted in human rights aberrations, absence of rule of law, lack of accountability and poor governance. This had tarnished Sri Lanka’s international reputation particularly after the Eelam war.

The President is also constituting the Secretariat Coordinating the Reconciliation Mechanism (SCRM) to coordinate the work of all reconciliation mechanisms. The SCRM is slated to function for two years, indicating the government expectations to complete the process for smooth operation of its reconciliation efforts.  However, as the Daily Mirror, Colombo, considered the move of SLFP’s Rajapaksa loyalists (including 50 MPs) to form as a “serious negative feature…. amid the positive moves for reconciliation, deeper interracial and inter-religious unity in diversity.” The dissidents’ competitive politics pampering the Sinhala nationalist agenda can result in ethnic provocation that could slow down the process.

India-Sri Lanka relations

India always makes good copy in Sri Lankan media. So it was not surprising to see one columnist linking President Sirisena’s private visit to worship at Tirupathi temple in India to the fears of an impending split in the SLFP after the Rajapaksa-led Matara rally last month. Notwithstanding such reports, the Sirisena government has continued to do some tightrope walking to balance the country’s relations with India and China.  After signing a renewed agreement with China to go ahead with the stalled Colombo Port City Project, the government seems to be moving towards finalizing the Economic and Technical Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) with India.

A four-member delegation led by joint secretary of the Indian ministry of commerce visited Colombo to hold preliminary talks for the first time on the ETCA. The visit was in keeping with the decision taken to speed up the negotiating process when Sri Lanka’s minister of development strategies and international trade Malik Samarawickrama visited New Delhi in July 2016 and met with Indian minister of commerce and industry Mrs Nirmala Sitharaman.

During their talks with the Sri Lankan counterparts both sides were expected to understand each other’s needs and concerns based on their experience in implementing the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) during the last decade and a half while exploring the broad contours of the ETCA. Sri Lanka hopes use the ETCA to benefit from Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s “Make in India” initiative giving a boost to the manufacturing sector by joining the Indian supply chain.

Sri Lanka ministry of strategic development and international trade in a statement said the ETCA would enable Indian manufacturers to set up factories in Sri Lanka to export their products to Pakistan and China with which Sri Lanka had or was planning to have FTA. On the other hand, India is looking at ETCA as a mechanism to participate in the post-war economic development in Sri Lanka.

Even though India has reassured that the objective of the ETCA was not to open up Sri Lanka to Indian service personnel, Sri Lankan professionals suspect the country would be flooded with Indian professionals if ETCA is signed. However, Prime Minister Modi has assured that Indian economic cooperation would be based upon Sri Lanka’s needs.  Sri Lanka government will have to allay the fears of professionals as the ETCA issue has already become a part of the country’s contentious politics. 

Written on August 31, 2016

 [Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force from 1987 to 90. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com   Blog: http://col.hariharan.info ] 

Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, September 2016 issue   www.security-risks.com

To Bangla or not: Let Bengalis have their last word on their fate

To Bangla or not: Let Bengalis have their last word on their fate

It would be prudent for national parties to see its smooth passage, rather than creating a ruckus over a non-issue.

POLITICS | 5-minute read | 31-8-2016

COLONEL R HARIHARAN @colhari2

West Bengal state assembly has passed a resolution to change the name of the state to Bangla, the word locals use to refer to it. It fulfils the ruling Trinamool Congress' promise made in 2011. Drawing a bit of political mileage after both the Congress and the CPI (M) had opposed the change, Ms Mamta Banerjee, the chief minister, said she was inspired by Rabindra Nath Tagore's music.

Well, to be more accurate it was not Rabindra Sangeet -his music - but the poem "Amar sonar Bangla" lauds the land and became the national anthem of the other Bangla - Bangladesh.

Normally, the change of name of a state should be a non-issue to national parties after the state had opted for it. This is not the first time an Indian state has decided to rename itself. Uttaranchal, which was created out of Uttar Pradesh on November 9, 2000, was renamed Uttarakhand on January 1, 2007 to reinforce its identity as a state and not a region. After Telengana was carved out of Andhra Pradesh, the parent state brushed aside suggestions to change its name as "Seema Andhra" and retained its name.

But the change of name can also be a tricky exercise. The Congress party which was ruling the Madras State opposed the popular demand for renaming the state as Tamil Nadu as everyone called it and the party's state unit was known Tamil Nadu Congress. It paid a heavy price and lost the state election after the DMK party used the issue as one more foil to flaunt its Dravidian credentials and love of Tamil; the Congress party has not been able to return to power in the state since then.

If we go by the Tamil Nadu experience, Ms Banerjee may well be correct in saying "the CPI (M) and Congress have made a historic blunder by opposing the change in name". In fact, the CPI (M)'s opposition is rather curious as it had proposed it when it was in power! Is the volte face because the TMC stole the thunder from the party in the name game?

Not only the Congress and the CPI (M) but the state BJP also opposes the change, though cadres and leaders of all political parties use only as Bangla (or Bango in yet another variation). Their rationale for opposing is different. In fact, the state BJP president Dilip Ghosh is said to have asked the Centre not to table the resolution for change of name "as it would erase the memories of Partition."

He has a point because no Bengali can forget the trauma Bengal had suffered twice due to partition of the state – first in 1905, during the British colonial rule and later in 1947, at the time of independence.

Despite sharing the rich cultural heritage of Bengali language and social and cultural history, the western and eastern halves suffered from class, caste and religious differences. The Hindus majority dominated the industrialized western half while the poor, landless Muslim majority lived in the agrarian East. While the Western half supplied the English speaking babus to the British, the riverine culture of east produced seafarers, rice farmers and Hilsa fish that sustains the life of Bengalis everywhere.

The Partition of Bengal in 1947 resulted in the creation of East Pakistan was preceded by the great Calcutta killings of  August 16, 1946 after the Muslim League gave a call for direct action resulting in the loss of about 5000 lives. The violent birth of East Pakistan a year later left a bloody trail of riots and further killings both in the West and East. The demography of both halves changed dramatically due to the tectonic effects of Partition.  Over 25 lakh Hindus fled from the newly created East Pakistan over a period of four years from 1947, reducing Hindus there from a powerful community to a helpless minority, smarting in the aftershocks of Partition to this day.

There was a bit of a political drama before Bengalis were reconciled to partition in 1947. Three months before partition came into effect, Bengal provincial Muslim League leader Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy came up with the idea of not accepting partition of the province but creating an independent Bengal that would join neither India nor Pakistan, as he felt the comparatively less developed Muslim dominated agrarian eastern half would not be economically viable on its own. He managed to muster the support of Sarat Chandra Bose, Netaji Subash Chandra Bose’s brother and a Congress leader in his own right, for his proposal. After detailed discussions to give form to the proposal for unified Bengal, the two leaders signed an agreement and published the plan on May 27, 1947.

Though Suhrawardy could convince Mohammed Ali Jinnah about the validity of his proposal for a unified Bengal and gain his tacit approval, the Muslim League did not fall in line. It negated the League’s the two-nation theory that formed basis for the creation of Pakistan as a Muslim homeland. Even within the Bengal provincial Muslim League, the opinion was divided.

The Congress party out rightly rejected the proposal as it suspected Suhrawardy’s intentions. This was not surprising because Suhrawardy’s credibility among the population was eroded as many felt he had planned the August 1946 Calcutta killings. The idea of a unified Bengal did not find much support and died a natural death after Bose developed differences over Suhrawardy’s insistence that there be separate electorates for Muslims and non-Muslims.

Though the idea of independent Bengal was short-lived, it showed the strength of Bengali nationalism which could overcome Hindu-Muslim antipathy.

The bloody aftermath of Partition subsumed the strength of Bengali identity for nearly two-and-a-half decades. However, East Pakistanis, treated as the poor cousins of the Punjabi-dominated West Pakistan, reasserted their Bengali identity to create Bangladesh in 1971, with India providing the military muscle.

The change of name for West Bengal would come into force only after the parliament approves the resolution for change with two thirds majority. It would be prudent for national parties including the BJP and the Congress party to see its smooth passage in parliament rather than creating a ruckus over non issue.

After all what is in a name? Whether the rest of India accepts it or not, for every Bengali, their state would only be Bangla or Bango. And they would continue to relish the illich machcher jhol (Hilsa fish curry) cooked in distinct East Bengali style with Hilsa smuggled from Bangladesh.

#Mamata Banerjee, #West Bengal, #Bangla

Courtesy: India Today opinion portal DailyO.in

http://www.dailyo.in/politics/bangla-west-bengal-assembly-partition-1947-hilsha-bangladesh/story/1/12669.html