Col R Hariharan
Sri Lanka President Maithripala Sirisena landed in New Delhi in
May on a two-day visit to India while returning from UK after attending
anti-corruption global conference organized by an international NGO and meeting
the British Prime Minister David Cameron.
India-Sri Lanka relations have scaled new heights after the
regime change in both countries. Narendra Modi with a majority in parliament
for the Bharatiya Janatha Party (BJP) is trying to provide a different
narrative giving priority to build India’s relations with its neighbours. On
the other hand, the Sirisena led government has corrected Sri Lanka’s foreign
policy skewed in favour of China during the Rajapaksa regime. So there is
always a lot of bonhomie whenever leaders of India and Sri Lanka meet and the
present visit was no exception.
President Sirisena had a busy schedule in India. He met with
Prime Minister Narendra Modi in New Delhi and the two leaders had discussed a
number of bilateral issues. According to the Ministry of External Affairs
spokesman in New Delhi, “Prime Minister Modi stressed the need to develop a
mechanism and find a permanent solution to the issue of fishermen straying into
each others’ waters.” The issue of creating a dedicated mechanism had been
discussed any number of times but had made no headway so far. So no dramatic
breakthrough can be expected.
Another polemical issue of Sri Lanka - the Economic and
Technical Cooperation Agreement (ETCA) - did not come up for discussion,
presumably because it was still a work in progress. In fact, the ball is in Sri
Lanka's court on this subject as the government is still weighing in the
economic benefits of ETCA against the
strong nationalist sentiments of sections of society in trade and services
which fear an Indian invasion much to their detriment if the agreement came in
force.
Sri Lanka President also visited the Buddhist holy site of
Sanchi to attend the ceremony to unveil the statue of Anagarika Dharmapala, who
revived Theravada Buddhism in Sri Lanka 150 years ago. He offered a casket to
the Sanchi Vihara to mark the occasion. He also attended the Kumbh Mela
festival in Ujjain in Madhya Pradesh along with Prime Minister Modi and other
dignitaries.
Even as he was visiting India, the Tamil Nadu chief minister Ms
Jayalalitha was celebrating her party’s unprecedented victory in the Tamil Nadu
state assembly elections which gave her a second five-year term in power.
Though there is apparently no connection between the two events, Ms Jayalalitha
statement during the run up to the elections brought home the realities of
Tamil Nadu power play on Sri Lanka which had shackled India’s Sri Lanka policy
in the past. Speaking at an election rally in Tiruchi last month, she said she
would continue to work for ushering in a separate Tamil Eelam.
The Tamil Nadu chief minister’s statement created a flutter
among Sinhala political and nationalist lobbies. However, President Sirisena
brushed aside its importance, pointing out the context of the election campaign
in which it was made. Answering a media query soon after Ms Jayalalitha made
the statement, Sirisena said one need not get exercised over it as generally
politicians were known for making a number of statements during elections.
His contention was correct, as Sri Lanka formed only a part of
the Tamil Nadu chief minister in her tirade against the DMK during an election
rally in Tiruchi. She accused her bête noir the DMK leader Karunanidhi of
betraying the interests of Tamils not only in the state but also in Sri Lanka.
She said she would continue to work for ushering in Tamil Eelam and enable
Tamils live with full freedom and self respect. Ms Jayalalitha also said her
party would press the Centre to provide dual citizenship to Sri Lankan Tamils
in Tamil Nadu so that they could get employment opportunities easily. It was
the stand of her government, she added, that Sri Lanka Tamils living here
should be repatriated with their full consent, only after complete normalcy and
full protection was ensured for them back home.
But in Sri Lanka with different power centres at play, it is
difficult to brush aside her statement on support to usher in Tamil Eelam. This
is understandable as India’s Sri Lanka policy had for long been hostage to
Tamil Nadu political parties’ stand on Sri Lanka Tamil issue. The reality is in
the competitive political scene in both Tamil Nadu and Sri Lanka such remarks
would not be allowed to fade away. While
Sinhala nationalist lobbies became shrill in their comments, the Tamil National
Alliance (TNA), the main opposition party, which had been trying to work out a
political equation in constitution making with the ruling united front
government, articulated its stand in clear terms.
The TNA spokesman and MP Sumanthiran pointed out the Lankan
Tamils no longer demand a separate Tamil Eelam but want a political solution in
line with their expressed aspirations in a united Sri Lanka. He appreciated Ms
Jayalalitha for her emotional support for Tamils and hoped she would turn it to
promote the Tamil cause in a constructive way. But not all constituent parties
of the TNA dare to vocalise their stand on the Eelam issue in such clear cut
terms because they have been thriving on the issue. The Ilankai Tamil Arasu
Katchi (ITAK), TNA’s major component, is a little more pragmatic and seems to
have accepted the political reality after the defeat of LTTE. However, Northern Province chief
minister CV Wigneswaran also does not share the TNA’s view. He feels the
sincerity of the Sirisena government to do justice to Tamils is suspect.
How far Ms Jayalalitha would bring to bear her support for Tamil
Eelam to impact Modi’s Sri Lanka policy is a question that would interest Sri
Lankans more than Indians. Ms
Jayalalitha’s reply to the Northern Province chief minister's letter of
congratulations on her victory has in a way indicated how she would take up the
Sri Lanka Tamil issue further. She wrote to thank him for the good wishes and
said she would continue to take efforts to ensure justice is done to “Sri
Lankan Tamils of the Northern Province, through the government of India.” She
also reciprocated Wigneswaran’s interest in meeting her and said “we shall meet
on a day convenient to both of us.”
Unlike the combative days of the past when she spoke of a ban on
trading with Sri Lanka and insistence on referendum to decide on Tamil Eelam,
the Tamil Nadu chief minister has indicated that her supportive actions for
Tamil issue would be through the government of India. With a tongue in cheek,
she has also indicated to Wigneswaran that the Northern Province would be the
limits on which he could speak for Tamils. In real terms, this would mean Tamil
Nadu acting through the Centre on Tamil issues; in a way that means negotiating
her way with New Delhi.
The iron lady of Tamil Nadu weathered many a political storm in
her career on Tamil Nadu political stage, because she always thinks one step
ahead. She knows Tamil Nadu has to mend its gritty relations with the Centre
because Modi, like her, has strong popular support and probably thinks two
jumps ahead. So out of the bouquet of three Sri Lanka issues that affect
Tamil Nadu politics, her emphasis is likely to be on the fishermen issue as
fishing season has opened now; justice for
Tamils and the Katchtivu sovereignty issue would probably
follow in the order of priority. And the Eelam issue would probably used to add
spice to her political activism when she chooses.
Written on April 30,
2016
[Col
R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of intelligence of the
Indian Peace Keeping Force from 1987 to 90. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com Blog: http://col.hariharan.info ]
Courtesy: South
Asia Security Trends, May 2016 issue www.security-risks.com published as Sri Lanka perspectives May 2016: Sri Lanka and Ms Jayalalitha's victory
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