Of local words and adaptations of British English

Courtesy: Vidura | July-September 2018  http://www.pressinstitute.in/category/vidura/ 

Indians, despite their stodginess in sticking to age-old practices, are quite innovative in their use of English language. Vote bank, desi, paratha, thali, child lifter (rather than kidnapper) and prepone are such innovations that have found space in Oxford English dictionary, the holy grail of the language. Here is Colonel R Hariharan’s rather humourous take

Though we see words such as vote bank, desi, paratha, thali and child lifter in our newspapers, we never notice them because we have become accustomed to them; familiarity breeding content…

During the 1971 war on the eastern front, I shepherded a bunch of foreign media persons who wanted to see some of the captured areas. After trudging through a couple of miles, looking at a few bodies, shot up tank and a bullet ridden train, the night fall was gloomy. I appreciated when one of the resourceful military men with me, took out a bottle of whiskey and passed it round, literally rousing our spirits. An American correspondent based in Delhi chatted with me about life in India and Indian media.

I came to realise our quaint Victorian usages only when he asked me, "Captain, why Indian media always "takes out a procession", when back home we "parade"? Our leaders when they die are not cremated according to our media, but are always "consigned to the flames" just as our army jawans are not killed but martyred. That's not all.

In the 60s we had the irrepressible Gubil Sundaresan from Kumbakonam or VRR Mani from Chromepet "craving the indulgence of the editor of the Hindu" or "seeking the hospitality of your columns" to comment on the "apropos" news item, filling up the letters to the editor column. But pressure of ad space, and ever reducing readers attention span have taken the shine off the letters.

However, political reporting is full of cliches in which our leaders revel. God forbid any upstart sub-editor edits out one of the media-savvy leaders speeches. He will be hauled up on hot coals by the editor, am sure, as it happened to me as a greenhorn sub in PTI in the 70s.

It was the early days of Swantra Party, which Rajaji had formed. Rajaji knew how to use the press to build Swatantra party's political image. Every evening it was open house for journalists at his home and Rajaji would answer any question. I had also attended a few of such sessions.

The following day, he would check how much of what he said was carried by the newspapers. Once, I wielded red pencil rather liberally to trim the copy of Rajaji's daily media interaction - which was full of ideas but which had become cliches by daily repetition. Next day, Rajaji called the PTI office and I happened to take the call.

The conversation went something like this: "Rajagopalachari speaking. I find you have carried only one column of my press meet, whereas I find Hindustan Times has carried two columns...." I just didn't know what to say and the editor took the phone from my hand. He apologised to the octogenarian leader and promised to carry his speeches in full.

After putting down the phone, the editor gave me a dirty look and a dressing down in his heavy Palghat-accented English. "Hariharan, what you think you are? A methavi (all knowing fellow) to edit Rajaji's copy? Is this what they taught you in journalism course? Never touch his copy. We exist, because of leaders like him. You respect them, they respect you. Get that in your thick head," he finished in one breath.

It was like telling me a home truth. I understood the press had a symbiotic relationship with politicians, and needed to respect each other's space with its own invisible lakshman rekha (limit).Today, does the electronic media in its multiple avatars see any such rekha in its competitive quest for instant gratification? Your guess is as good as mine.

[The writer is a retired colonel of the Intelligence Corps.  He writes and speaks on South Asia and its neighbourhood as well as terrorism, the areas of his specialties during the service.]  

Tamil Nadu: Big Shoes to Fill

With MK Stalin taking over as DMK chief from Muthuvel Karunanidhi who died last week, an early test of his leadership qualities awaits as he leads the party in the Lok Sabha elections next year without the towering presence of his father for the first time

By Colonel R Hariharan in Chennai | August 12, 2018| India Legal | http://www.indialegallive.com/cover-story-articles/focus/tamil-nadu-big-shoes-to-fill-53022

The passing away of Muthuvel Karunanidhi, 94, last of the leaders groomed in the Dravidian stable of rationalist godfather “Periyar” EV Ramasamy Naicker, leaves a huge void in Tamil Nadu politics. The leader, endearingly called Kalaignar (pronounced kalainyar, meaning gifted scholar) by his party cadres, was a man for all seasons. The rise of “Mu Ka” (his initials in Tamil) as he is known in political circles in the state, from backwoods of Tamil Nadu to the helm of the state as chief minister five times is a testimony to his political leadership and team work skills.

A man gifted with creative ability to write fiction, drama, poetry, political articles and movie scripts, he skilfully blended propaganda in his flowery oratory to build the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). His carefully worded speeches and writings often had a political barb, indicating his mindset.

He followed his mentor CN Annadurai when he founded the DMK in 1949, calling for secession from India to create an independent Dravida Nadu, comprising the four southern states. However, the huge popular support to the government during the 1962 Chinese invasion made the DMK abandon its ideas on secession.

Karunanidhi’s ideological moorings continued to be anchored in the DMK’s credo of social justice which started with a strong anti-Brahmin idiom, federalism and state autonomy. However, Mu Ka carefully tailored his political discourse to suit political needs. His skill in dealing with other parties enabled the DMK to be one of the most successful regional parties that leveraged its strength at the centre. Though he allied with the Congress in 1971, he came out against the Emergency and Mrs Indira Gandhi sent him to jail with his son Stalin. In spite of this, in the 1980 general election, he did not hesitate to ally with the Congress to bounce back in politics.

In a leadership struggle of sorts within the DMK, MG Ramachandran, popular film hero, broke away from the DMK in 1972 to form the All India Anna DMK. He trounced the DMK in the state elections in 1977 and ruled the state for 12 years, marginalising the DMK, and sending its leaders and cadres to political wilderness. Rajiv Gandhi found it useful for the Congress to ally with the AIADMK, particularly in pursuing his muscular policy in Sri Lanka that resulted in sending the Indian Peace Keeping Force to Sri Lanka in 1987.

The DMK came out strongly against Rajiv Gandhi’s Sri Lanka policy, particularly after the Indian forces ended up fighting the Tamil separatists of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE).  When he came to power after the death of MGR, Karunanidhi was critical of the Indian force’s actions in Sri Lanka. When the troops returned from the island nation, the chief minister was conspicuous by his absence. It is an irony, to see his mortal remains covered with the tricolour, making its final passage on an army gun carriage to be buried with state honours with the troops firing the gun salute.

The political environment in Tamil Nadu has been in a churn ever since J Jayalalithaa, chief minister, passed away in December 2016.

In her absence, the AIADMK is in a state of disarray, caught in an internal power struggle. A strong faction under TTV Dinakaran has broken away to form the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK), which has the potential to whittle down the AIADMK’s votes. Two “super stars” of Tamil cinema Kamal Haasan and Rajinikanth, with strong fan followings, have announced their decision to enter the political arena and the former has already floated his political party.  So if the DMK can adroitly manage the political alliances in the state in the 2019 parliamentary polls, we can expect it to make a strong showing after its dismal failure to secure a single seat in parliament in 2014.

Karunanidhi will be sorely missed by the DMK and its ally the Congress, and presumably the Mahagathbandhan, as and when it comes through, for his deal-making skills. Internally, Karunanidhi  ensured the elevation of his son Stalin as party president by expelling his elder son and challenger, MK Alagiri from the party two years back. Kanimozhi, Stalin’s half-sister, apparently seems to be reconciled to going along with Stalin as the leader; she would probably continue to act as the DMK’s point woman in New Delhi.

Karunanidhi had groomed Stalin well, putting him through the party activity at various levels during the last three-and-a-half decades. Over the years, Stalin has established his own leadership contacts within the party as well as with the rank and file. So his formal elevation as president of the party is likely to be part of a smooth succession process.

But the moot point is, does Stalin have the leadership skills of his father to lead the DMK to victory? It is evident Stalin lacks the charisma of Karunanidhi. He is no match for Karunanidhi’s legendary oratorical skills. He has not demonstrated his father’s ability to think two jumps ahead in deal-making with other parties, so essential in coalition politics. During his six decades of political career, Karunanidihi had built personal equations with the leaders of many regional as well as national parties. With Karunanidhi dominating the scene so long, it would be unfair to expect Stalin to have such a construct at the personal level.

Since 2009, when Karunanidhi’s health started declining, it was Stalin who had borne the brunt of a number of issues confronting the party—whether it was forming an alliance for the 2011 assembly poll, or dealing with the backlash of allegations of a series of scams at the Centre. Of course, after its dismal failure in the 2011 state elections, the party had regained its 31 percent vote share and performed better in the 2016 assembly elections. But all these elections were contested under the benign watch of Karunanidhi, who presumably cleared Stalin’s decisions. So for Stalin, the 2019 parliamentary election is likely to be a trial by fire of sorts,  that will test his leadership ability without his father watching over his shoulder.

His detractors within the party at the moment seem to be few. However, a less than impressive performance in 2019 would probably increase the possibility of a challenger emerging.

At the national level, Stalin is likely to strengthen his links with leaders of other parties in the run-up to the 2019 elections, if and when a joint opposition front emerges. So his role in that process is likely to be played by the ear, based on his experience at the feet of Kalaignar.

Sri Lanka Perspectives: July 2018

Col R Hariharan | 31-7-2018 |

Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, August 2018 | www.security-risks.com

 PTA and culture of impunity

Colombo High Court acquitted on May 26, 2017 Iyer Sriskandarajah, a Hindu priest,  charged with aiding and abetting the suicide bomb attack on former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa in a Colombo suburb on December 1, 2006 that left three dead including the suicide bomber. The court verdict came after it found the confession by Iyer was not made voluntarily and the state counsel was unable to submit any other evidence. But the acquittal came after the priest had spent nearly 13 years in remand custody. An aside to the suicide bombing case was the allegation of former Sri Lanka army chief Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka made in parliament on May 2016 that it was an “inside job” to win sympathy for the then-ruling family (Rajapaksas).

The callousness with which the case under Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) was handled is neither unique nor uncommon. According to the statistics on PTA arrests provided by the Office of the Attorney General to the UN Special Rapporteur on Countering Terrorism Ben Emmerson, “out of 81 prisoners at the time of judicial phase of their pretrial detention, 70 had been in detention without trial for five years and 11 had been in detention without trial for over ten years.”

The UN Special Rapporteur in his report to the UN Human Rights Council, after a recent visit to Sri Lanka, has also focused on PTA pre-trial detainees languishing in prison for years without being tried for an offence. Highlighting the continuing “culture of impunity” in the country’s justice system, Emmerson has given the serious apprehensions of the senior most judge responsible for terrorism cases. The judge said that in over 90 percent of the cases so far in 2017, he was forced to exclude essential evidence because they had been obtained through the use or threat of violence.  Emmerson’s report noted that 80 percent of those arrested under the PTA in late 2016 complained of torture and physical ill treatment.

The report only confirms that though the Maithripala Sirisena government came to power promising Yahapalana (good governance), it had not been able to tame the draconian PTA which continues to be in force, with the proposed Counter Terrorism Act (CTA) still limping in draft stage. Similarly, remand prisoners languishing without trial shows that it is a continuing historical aberration that reflects the abysmal level of rule of law and subversion of justice system.

 

If you can’t win them, buy them

Even before the heat died down after the New York Times report on June 25, 2018 about China’s financial support to Mahinda Rajapaksa’s campaign during 2015 presidential election, Chinese have announced “gift” of $295 million (SL Rs 48 billion) to Sri Lanka for spending on a project of its choosing. President Sirisena said the money would be spent on a countrywide housing programme for building houses in all administrative districts at a cost of SL Rs one million per house. It is significant that the Chinese grant has been made when Sri Lanka is poised to hold provincial council elections. Clearly, this grant would appear to be part of China’s strategy – ‘if you can’t win them buy them.’ Work on the construction of another ‘gift’ from China – the 200-bed National Nephrology Hospital - in Polonnaruwa has also started.

Equally significant was the announcement of China gifting a frigate to Sri Lanka Navy. Already, PLA has been offering training courses to Sri Lanka military. It is also completing an auditorium at the Kotelawala Defence Academy.

On the other hand, it was evident that Sri Lanka government was trying to balance its relations with India also. A proposal to develop the loss-making Mattala international airport as a joint venture with Airports Authority of India (AAI) is underway. Civil Aviation Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva said 70 percent stake of the joint stock company to be formed for the operation of the airport would go to AAI and 30 percent to the Sri Lanka government. Speaking in parliament, the minister promised to present the draft agreement with AAI before signing it.

The preconditions for the partnership included AAI agreeing with the Government chief valuer’s estimation for 70 percent pwnership and use of the airport  only for commercial purposes and not for any military use. Only locals  and not foreigners can be involved in air navigation work. The airport security must be handled by the air force and airport staff. 

In the context of the growing international competition for influence in Sri Lanka, Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe’s speech at the Bandaranaike International Diplomatic Training Institute on July 13 is significant. He said the Indian Ocean was in danger of becoming a major centre of tension again. “China its strategic vulnerability in the Indian Ocean, has sought means of reducing it.” Different projects have come as the result of China challenging the US in the Pacific; the US does not want to see a Chinese expansion in Indian Ocean. 

He added that India, the strongest power among the littoral nations, would not welcome a change in status quo. And Japan is committed to free maritime movement in the Indian Ocean as well as the Pacific.  He said that if a power struggle broke out in the Indian Ocean, it could adversely affect Sri Lanka’s objective of becoming the hub of the Indian Ocean. “A destabilized Indian Ocean is averse to our economic interest. Stability and growth in the Indian Ocean will further our own national growth.” He said Sri Lanka has to charter a course for itself, as the littoral states ran the risk of becoming spectators with no control.

He also referred to the Hambantota harbour and said “the Southern command itself is shifting from Galle to Hambantota. We have asked the Navy to have more emphasis on anti-submarine warfare, within our capability. We are increasing the number of offshore patrol vessels.” He assured “we will ensure that we can maintain the security of the Hambantota harbour.” He said the immediate objective was to arrive a consensus among all stakeholders including all the littoral states, on the manner of upholding the UN Convention of the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). 

Appealing to all parties to agree on the principles, he said “all we are seeking to do is to get everyone to talk of the possibilities of how we move forward.” The PM’s policy speech on Indian Ocean clearly indicates Sri Lanka’s growing concerns at the country becoming the focus of Indian Ocean rivalry among big powers.

Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies, South Asia Analysis Group and the International Law and Strategic Analysis Institute, Chennai. E-mail: haridirect@gmail.com  Blog: http://col.hariharan.info