With MK Stalin taking over as DMK
chief from Muthuvel Karunanidhi who died last week, an early test of his
leadership qualities awaits as he leads the party in the Lok Sabha elections
next year without the towering presence of his father for the first time
By Colonel R Hariharan in Chennai | August 12, 2018| India Legal | http://www.indialegallive.com/cover-story-articles/focus/tamil-nadu-big-shoes-to-fill-53022
The passing away of Muthuvel
Karunanidhi, 94, last of the leaders groomed in the Dravidian stable of
rationalist godfather “Periyar” EV Ramasamy Naicker, leaves a huge void in
Tamil Nadu politics. The leader, endearingly called Kalaignar (pronounced
kalainyar, meaning gifted scholar) by his party cadres, was a man for all
seasons. The rise of “Mu Ka” (his initials in Tamil) as he is known in
political circles in the state, from backwoods of Tamil Nadu to the helm of the
state as chief minister five times is a testimony to his political leadership
and team work skills.
A man gifted with creative ability
to write fiction, drama, poetry, political articles and movie scripts, he
skilfully blended propaganda in his flowery oratory to build the Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK). His carefully worded speeches and writings often had a
political barb, indicating his mindset.
He followed his mentor CN
Annadurai when he founded the DMK in 1949, calling for secession from India to
create an independent Dravida Nadu, comprising the four southern states.
However, the huge popular support to the government during the 1962 Chinese
invasion made the DMK abandon its ideas on secession.
Karunanidhi’s ideological moorings
continued to be anchored in the DMK’s credo of social justice which started
with a strong anti-Brahmin idiom, federalism and state autonomy. However, Mu Ka
carefully tailored his political discourse to suit political needs. His skill
in dealing with other parties enabled the DMK to be one of the most successful
regional parties that leveraged its strength at the centre. Though he allied
with the Congress in 1971, he came out against the Emergency and Mrs Indira
Gandhi sent him to jail with his son Stalin. In spite of this, in the 1980
general election, he did not hesitate to ally with the Congress to bounce back
in politics.
In a leadership struggle of sorts
within the DMK, MG Ramachandran, popular film hero, broke away from the DMK in
1972 to form the All India Anna DMK. He trounced the DMK in the state elections
in 1977 and ruled the state for 12 years, marginalising the DMK, and sending
its leaders and cadres to political wilderness. Rajiv Gandhi found it useful
for the Congress to ally with the AIADMK, particularly in pursuing his muscular
policy in Sri Lanka that resulted in sending the Indian Peace Keeping Force to
Sri Lanka in 1987.
The DMK came out strongly against
Rajiv Gandhi’s Sri Lanka policy, particularly after the Indian forces ended up
fighting the Tamil separatists of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam
(LTTE). When he came to power after the death of MGR, Karunanidhi was
critical of the Indian force’s actions in Sri Lanka. When the troops returned
from the island nation, the chief minister was conspicuous by his absence. It
is an irony, to see his mortal remains covered with the tricolour, making its
final passage on an army gun carriage to be buried with state honours with the
troops firing the gun salute.
The political environment in Tamil
Nadu has been in a churn ever since J Jayalalithaa, chief minister, passed away
in December 2016.
In her absence, the AIADMK is in a
state of disarray, caught in an internal power struggle. A strong faction under
TTV Dinakaran has broken away to form the Amma Makkal Munnetra Kazhagam (AMMK),
which has the potential to whittle down the AIADMK’s votes. Two “super stars”
of Tamil cinema Kamal Haasan and Rajinikanth, with strong fan followings, have
announced their decision to enter the political arena and the former has
already floated his political party. So if the DMK can adroitly manage
the political alliances in the state in the 2019 parliamentary polls, we can
expect it to make a strong showing after its dismal failure to secure a single
seat in parliament in 2014.
Karunanidhi will be sorely missed
by the DMK and its ally the Congress, and presumably the Mahagathbandhan, as
and when it comes through, for his deal-making skills. Internally,
Karunanidhi ensured the elevation of his son Stalin as party president by
expelling his elder son and challenger, MK Alagiri from the party two years
back. Kanimozhi, Stalin’s half-sister, apparently seems to be reconciled to
going along with Stalin as the leader; she would probably continue to act as
the DMK’s point woman in New Delhi.
Karunanidhi had groomed Stalin
well, putting him through the party activity at various levels during the last
three-and-a-half decades. Over the years, Stalin has established his own
leadership contacts within the party as well as with the rank and file. So his
formal elevation as president of the party is likely to be part of a smooth
succession process.
But the moot point is, does Stalin
have the leadership skills of his father to lead the DMK to victory? It is
evident Stalin lacks the charisma of Karunanidhi. He is no match for
Karunanidhi’s legendary oratorical skills. He has not demonstrated his father’s
ability to think two jumps ahead in deal-making with other parties, so
essential in coalition politics. During his six decades of political career,
Karunanidihi had built personal equations with the leaders of many regional as
well as national parties. With Karunanidhi dominating the scene so long, it
would be unfair to expect Stalin to have such a construct at the personal
level.
Since 2009, when Karunanidhi’s health
started declining, it was Stalin who had borne the brunt of a number of issues
confronting the party—whether it was forming an alliance for the 2011 assembly
poll, or dealing with the backlash of allegations of a series of scams at the
Centre. Of course, after its dismal failure in the 2011 state elections, the
party had regained its 31 percent vote share and performed better in the 2016
assembly elections. But all these elections were contested under the benign
watch of Karunanidhi, who presumably cleared Stalin’s decisions. So for Stalin,
the 2019 parliamentary election is likely to be a trial by fire of sorts, that will test his leadership ability without
his father watching over his shoulder.
His detractors within the party at
the moment seem to be few. However, a less than impressive performance in 2019
would probably increase the possibility of a challenger emerging.
At the national level, Stalin is
likely to strengthen his links with leaders of other parties in the run-up to
the 2019 elections, if and when a joint opposition front emerges. So his role
in that process is likely to be played by the ear, based on his experience at
the feet of Kalaignar.
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