For the first time, Indian troops have gained strategic advantage in eastern Ladakh and dislodged China from there. But in order to understand the country, we should see how it is shaping under Xi Jinping.
By Col R Hariharan | India
Legal |December 11, 2020 |Cover story |
https://www.indialegallive.com/cover-story-articles/il-feature-news/caught-by-surprise/
Indian troops have brought
Kailash range in eastern Ladakh under their operational control by occupying heights
and thereby dislocated Chinese plans to grab territory to gain strategic
advantage. For the first time, India has gained tactical advantage to disrupt
any Chinese military adventure in the region.
This unexpected move by India, which had generally been bending
backwards not to provoke China, has probably caught PLA troops by surprise. But
the Chinese leadership had probably factored this while assessing the strategic
reset of the Indo-Pacific security scene after the Quad Alliance gained more
traction.
This was evident when Chinese
President Xi Jinping addressed PLA members of the National People’s Congress on
May 26, 2020. According to Xinhua, Xi “ordered the military to be prepared for
the worst case scenario, scale up and promptly and effectively deal with all
sorts of complex situations and resolutely safeguard national sovereignty,
security and development interests”.
Harsh winter has set in in the
14,000-ft mountainous terrain in the operational areas of Ladakh. Temperatures
are rapidly plummetting and have gone below -14 degrees Celsius. Thus, nature
has forced what seven rounds of high-level military commanders of India and
China could not achieve usher in uneasy peace along the unclear contours of the
Line of Actual Control (LAC). In such hostile environment, chances of yet
another military clash are remote. It would be foolhardy for any army to opt
for war when extreme weather imposes high costs and restricts optimal performance
of men and material.
This leaves the PLA with no
prudent option to dislodge the Indians. So it has launched a propaganda blitz
with a lot of doublespeak and military muscle flexing, using Chinese Communist
Party (CCP) tabloids and social media. While the “no war-no peace” impasse
continues, troops on both sides are preparing to fight their deadly common
enemy the weather.
India’s “band aid” coping strategy
for military emergencies in Ladakh was, similar to, what was done while
confronting Pakistani intruders in Kargil. The band aid technique makes up for
long-standing deficiencies of arms and equipment essential to wage war, with
hurried purchases to ward off operational crises. In Kargil, shortage of
artillery ammunition for Bofors guns was made up with emergency imports from
overseas.
The narrative has not changed
much, though three defence ministers have changed in the last seven years. Of
course, there has been some progress; we have overcome decade long deficiencies
in artillery guns. Indian made guns, with capability surpassing the Bofors,
have been deployed. But, we had flown in more Rafael fighters from France to add
muscle to our depleted fighter squadrons.
The Ministry of Defence has dusted
off long-pending orders for military equipment, including basic weapons like
small arms, for procurement. Not to be sidelined, DRDO showcased its
achievements in developing and testing prototypes of much delayed armament.
There was some justifiable chest thumping in the media about the army’s prowess
in fighting in high altitude conditions. But in the informatised battlefield of
the 21st century, fire power improves the odds. But for a change, the
government seems to be thinking beyond the usual media rhetoric.
It was heart-warming to see the national leadership giving some
serious thought to evolve a holistic China strategy beyond military and
diplomatic options. Some visible measures have been taken, including removing
many Chinese mobile apps considered risky. The government has started
scrutinising Chinese involvement in India’s trade and commerce, with a security
perspective. Some TV anchors immediately went into overdrive, talking of even
retaking Aksai Chin. They seem to have not noticed the state of our defence
readiness to defend existing assets. Nothing illustrates this than rushing to
procure 12,000 sets of extreme cold clothing from the US for troops in Ladakh.
This is after deploying them for 36 years in equally inhospitable environment.
The moot point is that we are in
for the long haul. We need to strategise where to go from here. We have barely
touched the fringe of national policy making on China, waking up suddenly from decades
of strategic complacency, after failing to develop a strategic vision. The new
normal is likely to be grim our largest northern neighbour in collusion with
our most paranoid western neighbour, applying strategic pressure in many ways.
Are we ready for it? That is the big question.
We need to gear up the country to
think as a nation to preserve our national interests. It is disheartening for
the people, particularly in border areas, to see the lack of political unity on
national security issues. We find this is a “democratic malady”, affecting not
only India, but other frontline nations like the US which flaunt their
democratic credentials.
Perhaps this is due to a lack of
understanding of how China is shaping up under President Xi Jinping, hailed as the
“Great Helmsman”, an honour the party has conferred only on Mao Zedong. He has
departed from the practice of collective leadership adopted by his post-Mao
predecessors. Instead, he has created Central Leading Groups, described as
supra ministerial steering committees. His rise to the top of the party
hierarchy has led to him being hailed as Xi Dada (Uncle Xi).
President Xi’s political thoughts have been incorporated in the state and CCP constitutions. They guide the country’s quest to realise the Chinese Dream. In 2013, the Third Plenum created the National Security Commission of the CCP to help Xi consolidate his control of national security. There should be no doubt that China is guided by an authoritarian leader, with full control over the three limbs of the country - the party, the government and the PLA. The constitutional amendments carried out have removed term limits on his continuation in power.
Unless Xi’s personality and the changes he has brought out are
understood, it will be difficult to evolve a realistic China strategy.
The US State Department of Defence
in a recent report titled “The Elements of the China Challenge” has unravelled
the dimensions of challenges posed by China. It says that “few discern the
pattern in China’s inroads within every region of the world, much less the
specific form of dominance to which the party [CCP] aspires”.
The report states that the CCP
“aims not merely at pre-eminence within the established world order an order
that is grounded in free and sovereign states…. but to fundamentally revise
world order”, placing the People’s Republic of China at the centre to serve its
authoritarian and hegemonic goals.
Beijing’s unfolding actions of
flexing its military muscles in the South China Sea to enforce its claim over
it, raising threats against Taiwan to a shrill pitch, challenging the presence
of US naval planes and warships and brow-beating smaller ASEAN powers, are
testimony to its authoritarian conduct.
If we go by past experience, India
will slide into slow motion in crafting a new China policy. But, it would be
folly to do so and wait for policy implementation. We need to impart urgency in
our thought process and evolve a policy to suit, not only our national
interest, but also take advantage of the Indo-Pacific strategic dynamics, to
add to our strength. Otherwise, the nation is likely to pay a very high price.
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