Monday, 20 May 2024

Friend Indeed

By deferring the repayment of $50 million treasury bill of Maldives for one more year, India is showing it is a friend and not a master of Maldives, its Ocean neighbour. But as China is involved, perhaps we need to lay the red lines.

By Col R Hariharan | India Legal, Magazine, Special | May 18, 2024

https://www.indialegallive.com/magazine/maldivces-india-mohamed-muizzu-military-personnel-china/

Many Indians probably see Maldives President Mohamed Muizzu as putting on a Dr Jekyll and Mr Hyde act when he deals with India after winning the presidential election using the anti-India rhetoric. Using the same rhetoric, he won a thumping majority in the recently held parliamentary election too. 

Muizzu’s Dr Jekyll act was prominent in his first speech as president, when he called for “foreign troops” to quit by the March 15 deadline. The only foreign troops present in the island-nation were 80-plus Indian support staff, who manned the surveillance and casualty evacuation aircraft—two helicopters and a Dornier aircraft—gifted by India. He held in abeyance all agreements with India and cancelled the pact for carrying out hydrographic survey.

 His act continued when he opted to make his first state visit to China rather than the traditional visit to New Delhi. He described China as Maldives “closest development partner” and committed to implement the stalled Free Trade Agreement with it. The signing of the Maldives-China “comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership” agreement led to the signing of 20 agreements. They involve China in virtually every sphere of activity in Maldives. Weeks later, the two countries went on to sign a military pact that could lead to free military supplies from China.

Despite cash crunch, President Muizzu procured Bayratkar TB2 unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) costing around $37 million from Turkiye to inaugurate the Maldivian National Defence Force (MNDF) Air Corps for carrying out surveillance of its waters. The whole exercise was probably to show that Maldives was not dependent on India for surveillance of Maldives Exclusive Eco­nomic Zone (EEZ).

More damaging was the Maldives agreement with China allowing free access to the Chinese “research vessel” Xiang Yang Hong 3 despite strategic concerns expressed by both India and the US over the spy ship’s activity in the Indo-Pacific. According to media reports, the Chinese vessel began its journey to Maldives a day after Muizzu concluded his trip to China. It arrived in the vicinity of Maldives 15 days later, and docked in Male on February 22. It headed to the boundary of the Maldives EEZ, and returned a month later to dock in Thilafushi harbour on April 25. Maldives authorities claim they have not been informed of its activities during this period.

Apparently, Muizzu’s stance to curb Indian influence paid off politically when his People’s National Congress won 66 of 93 seats in parliament. The coalition partners, Maldives National Party (MNP) and Maldives Development Alliance (MDA), won one and two seats respectively. The Jumhooree party won one seat. Former President Ibrahim Mohamed Solih’s pro-India Maldivian Democratic Party (MSP) took a heavy drubbing, winning only 12 seats. The rest of the 11 seats were won by independents.

But that will be trivialising the influence of local issues, particularly housing, healthcare and communication affecting the voters. In his inaugural address, Muizzu had promised to overcome the country’s debt burden, complete the Velana mega project expansion to generate revenue and overcome the housing shortage. In the run up to the parliamentary poll, he promised construction of 1,000 housing units in B. Eydhafushi, identified as one of the urban centres. After the election, the government signed a contract for the construction of the housing units with China’s Sinohydro Corporation.

Similarly, Muizzu’s emphasis on Maldivian identity and language and assertion of the island-nation’s strategic importance in Indian Ocean security also probably created a positive impact in his favour.

However, when mounting debts confronted Muizzu at home, Mr Hyde seems to have taken over. In Muizzu’s first ever interview to the local media in March, he emphasised that he had not taken any action nor made any statement that may strain Maldives’ relations with India. He “fervently” hoped that India would accommodate debt relief measures for the loans successive governments in Maldives had taken from India. Maldives continued to discuss debt relief measures with India.

Maldives’ Foreign Minister Moosa Zameer made his first high-level visit to New Delhi on May 9 to meet External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar. Terming India as a “development partner in the Maldives”, Zameer confirmed that debt relief was part of the talks. He further confirmed that Indian tourists to Maldives had “tremendously decreased”. He also probably wanted to ensure that India conforms to the May 10 deadline for all Indian troops to quit Maldives.

Apparently, Zameer’s trip was successful. The Indian High Commission in Male in a statement on May 14 said the Indian government had provided budget support to the Maldives in the form of a rollover of the $50 million Treasury Bill for an additional year. India’s action was at the request of Zameer.

India’s bailout action took further traction after the International Monetary Fund cautioned Maldives about “debt distress” due to heavy borrowing from China. Maldives foreign debt reached $4.038 billion in 2023, approximately 118% of its GDP. China’s Export Import Bank owns 25.2% of its external debt. The IMF advised the government to take urgent measures, including revenue increase, spending cuts and reduce external borrowings to avert an economic crisis.

It will be interesting to see how President Muizzu handles the economic challenge. Maldives had a trade deficit of $ 243.80 million in March 2024; it will have to curb imports. Remittances in Maldives increased to a record $613.80 million in 2023 from $564.60 million in 2022. Action will have to be taken to increase it further this year.

Obviously, China will be playing a big part in rescheduling Maldives’ debts. If we go by Sri Lanka’s experience, China is a Shylock as far as international debts are concerned. Muizzu will be truly tested in handling the Chinese on this count. The president will have to defer his ambitious plans to procure more drones to expand the MNDF Air Corps. And probably scale down some of the mega construction projects on the anvil.

According to its tourism ministry, tourist arrivals totalling 8,22,723 as on May 11 showed an increase of 11.9% compared to the same period last year. However, Indian tourists who had topped the list last year seem to have downgraded Maldives in their travel plans after some Maldivians took to social media to do India-bashing. Some deft re-packaging of with add-ons will be needed to get the Indian tourist back.   

China may not consider India as the main factor in the Indo-Pacific region, though for India it is. President Xi Jinping is on an international power projection mode. Xi is on a quest for a New World Order where it will occupy the main stage. Maldives is astride the international shipping route of the Indian Ocean, with 15 ships passing through its channel every minute. This is one reason why China is wooing Maldives as it is important for domination of Indian Ocean security. Maldives is also important in the overall security of the Indo-Pacific, with the US base Diego Garcia, located 700 km from it. And of course, it is too close to Indian territory and the west coast.

With Muizzu walking the economic tight rope, India can expect more calls for “emergency assistance” from him as it happened in Sri Lanka. By deferring the repayment of the $50 million treasury bill of Maldives for one more year, India is showing it is a friend and not a master of Maldives, its Indian Ocean neighbour. But India must remember China is a preferred defence partner of Maldives and its fragile ecosystem. So probably India needs to lay down some red lines for Maldives to observe. I presume India’s adroit external affairs minister may already have laid down this to his Maldivian counterpart. If not, no time should be lost. 



Sunday, 5 May 2024

Sri Lanka:Presidential election debate continues

 

Col R Hariharan


Sri Lanka Perspectives April 2024 | South Asia Security Trends May 2024 | https://www.security-risks.com

Presidential election

Sri Lanka celebrated Sinhala and Tamil new year on April 13. Astrologers wield considerable influence over the people and political leaders in Sri Lanka. However, many believers may not want to remember that the elder Rajapaksa, despite favourable astrological predictions, failed to win a third presidential term. The Times of India reported that this year there was a squabble among 42 astrologers employed by the Ministry of Culture to decide upon the auspicious date and time for new year rituals to start. The majority decided on night of April 13. The report further quoted the dissenting astrologer Roshan Chanaka was vocal about the decision and predicted it would lead to disaster and the country “will go up in flames.” One hopes Roshan’s prediction is limited to the heatwave in the coming weeks predicted by meteorologists and not another Aragalaya public protests ending up in flames.

The US astrological website astrostyle.com predicting the US presidential election in 2024 sees “a lot of curveballs this year including some meddling from AI and third-party candidates becoming part of the ballot potentially.” It also forecast “And for the first time, we may see those third-party candidates get way farther than they ever have in elections.”

The US astrological forecasts may well apply to Sri Lanka presidential election to be held sometime between end September and early October. While ‘curveballs’ by last minute defectors and unnatural electoral affiliations had always been part of the elections in Sri Lanka, meddling from external forces has been limited to few big powers. Chins can be credited with the use of Chinese companies to fund political parties. Of course, Diaspora funding of political also plays a role in “meddling” with elections.

The general elections going on India is also seeing lot of ‘curveballs’ and meddling in the form of foreign civil society and social media podcasts “modi-fied” to mislead the voters. Karnataka state chief minister is being probed for introducing a doctored video, possibly using AI tools. Sri Lanka can expect similar external meddling not only during the run up to the elections, but also during their conduct. Hopefully, Sri Lanka Election Commission is factoring this aspect when it gets ready hold the elections.

Forecast 

For the first time since 2022, Sajith Premadasa, leader of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) overtook Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the National Peoples Power (NPP) in the two voting intent poll surveys carried out in March 2024 by the Institute for Health Policy (IHP). The SJB on 38 percent (+4) took the lead ahead of NPP/JVP on 35 percent (-2) while the Sri Lanka Podjujana Peramuna (SLPP) at 8 percent and President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s United National Party (UNP) at 5 percent remain unchanged.

However, the political scene is still confused. The SLPP leader Basil Rajapaksa is wary of the party contesting the presidential election, while Namal Rajapaksa, the ‘heir apparent’ likes the party to be in the fray.  The Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP) is in disarray, after court order prevented party leader Maithripala Sirisena from holding office. Pro-Sirisena faction has appointed Justice Minister Dr Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe as Acting leader of the SLFP, though he is a member of the SLPP. Anti-Sirisena faction led Politburo appointed Minister Nimal Siripala as Acting leader of the party. Former President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga has refused to take up the chairmanship of the SLFP. On SLFP fielding a candidate, she said, “it is too late. The SLFP is completely destroyed. It will take several years to rebuild the party.”

NPP leader AK Dissanayake speaking in Stockholm, expected the various political leaders including Chandrika, Mahinda and Ranil coming together on one platform to ensure the NPP does not come to power in the upcoming election. However, formation of such a common platform to oppose NPP candidate is probably far from the minds of ambitious political leaders with their own agenda.

The prevailing political confusion probably helps President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s hope of contesting the presidential election as an independent candidate. His party the UNP is weak after it  got a severe drubbing in the parliamentary poll. Sajith Premadasa, who broke away from the UNP, to become the leader of the SJB will be the main challenger. Premadasa has probably better record in dealing at the grass root level. How he will deal with the economic issues bugging the nation remains a question mark?

Wickremesinghe’s leadership during the interim presidency to resurrect the bankrupt economy and save the nation gives him a unique advantage. He is politically savvy than his rivals and has a good equation with India, China and the US. This helped him negotiate with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a bale out economic package. Though both Premadasa and AK Dissanayake have criticised him for the burden imposed on the common man due to IMF restructuring of the economy, they know there was no alternative to it.  

This unique achievement of Wickremesinghe probably gives him confidence to contest the election as an independent candidate. However, that may not impress the voter as much as his support base is formed with assorted groups culled from the UNP and SLPP and possibly even SLFP. As of now the presidential poll is wide open, increasing the demand for astrologers to predict the future.

Foreign relations

Official delegations from at least six countries and international bodies visiting Sri Lanka during April are an indication of international interest in Sri Lanka. Among them, visits by a delegation of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and by the Iranian President Dr Ebrahim Raisi are noteworthy. The CCP delegation headed by Sun Haiyan, vice minister of the International Department of the CCP made a two-day visit. Apart from meeting President Ranil Wickremesinghe and Prime Minister and high officials to discuss issues of common interest, the delegation also met with leaders of various political parties. According to Sri Lankan media they had talks with the National Peoples Power (NPP) leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake, who will be contesting the presidential election. Apparently, it was to understand NPP’s popularity in the coming elections. The CCP delegation also met with Basil Rajapaksa and representatives of the SLPP, Sajith Premadasa, leader of the SJB and Mano Ganesan, leader of the Tamil Progressive Alliance (TPA). Evidently, the CCP delegation was interested in renewing its contacts with Sri Lanka political parties. It will also enable them to assess the political situation before presidential election is held.

However, President Dr Ebrahim Raisi’s one day visit to Colombo was economically, strategically and politically more significant for Sri Lanka. Sri Lanka considers Iran as the gateway for export to Central Asia. Iran-Sri Lanka relations got a boost in 2007 after President Mahinda Rajapaksa visited Iran and signed MoUs on development projects to the tune of $1.9 billion. President Ahmadinejad visited Sri Lanka the following year and inaugurated the project to upgrade Sapugaskanda petroleum refinery at a cost of $ 750 million. Since then, the relations between the two countries have grown further as Iran sees Sri Lanka importance in the context of Indian Ocean security. During the war against the LTTE, Iran supplied arms to Sri Lanka. Iranian navy flotillas have been visiting Sri Lanka presumably to familiarise with the waters. Iran and Sri Lanka have signed a Tea for Oil barter agreement that has helped Sri Lanka to import Iranian oil in cash strapped times.

However, Sri Lanka navy’s involvement in Red Sea convoy protection against Houthis (supported by Iran) and the ongoing Israel-Iran missile confrontation have added interest to Iranian President’s visit.

During the visit, Sri Lanka and Iran signed five memorandums of cooperation in the presence of the two presidents. They  cover cooperation between the National Library of Sri Lanka and the National Library and Archives of Iran, cooperation in the film industry between the National Film Corporation of Sri Lanka and Iran’s Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance, cooperation in the field of Media and Tourism, program for cultural, scientific and technical cooperation in mass media, youth and sports between the two countries and lastly cooperation between the National Cooperative Council of Sri Lanka and the Iran Chamber of Cooperatives.

Dr Raisi inaugurated the Iranian aided Uma Oya Multipurpose Development Project (UOMDP), one of the largest irrigation projects in Sri Lanka. The project was delayed by the sanction’s regime against Iran.  The UOMDP is designed to redirect annually 145 million cubic metres (MCM) of excess water from Uma Oya basin to benefit a total of 600 hectares of agricultural land in Monaragala district. It will also provide 39 MCM of water for drinking and industrial purposes in parts of three districts, while generating 290 GWh of electricity to be added to the national grid. Iran has provided 85 percent of the total project cost of approximately $520 million. The visiting Iranian President endeared himself to local Muslims by going off the schedule to pray at the local Kollupitya mosque.

Tailpiece: Sri Lanka government has decided to hand over the management of the $209 million loss making Mattala Rajapaksa International Airport to Indian and Russian companies. Shaurya Aeronautics Pvt Ltd of India and Airports of Regions Management Co of Russia, which manages 10 airports in Russia will oversee management of the airport for a period of 30 years. In this period, they hope to turn around the airport operation to make it profitable.


[Col R Hariharan, a retired MI specialist on South Asia and terrorism, served as the head of intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka 1987-90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies. Email: haridirect@gmail.com, Website: https://col.hariharan.info]