Col R Hariharan
[This article includes comments made in an
interview to a TV news channel on the subject on August 31, 2015.]
India has handed over a Coast Guard ship to
Sri Lanka Navy as a gift. Tamil Nadu political leaders have strongly condemned
it because Sri Lanka Navy had used such “gifts” from India to attack our
fishermen and destroy the Sea Tiger boats during the Eelam War. MDMK leader
Vaiko has described it as a ‘betrayal’ of Eelam Tamils and Tamil Nadu
fishermen. What are your views on this?
India’s Sri Lanka policy is not solely
guided by what happened in the Eelam War or the fishermen issue. Indian
government is responsible for national security and it has to ensure the
country’s foreign policy is tailored to serve our strategic interests. So we
should view New Delhi’s gift of a coast guard vessel in this broader context
than from the perspective of one or two issues only.
Tamil Nadu political leaders have long used
both the fishermen issue as well as the Tamil separatist struggle to strengthen
their political constituencies in the state. So it is not surprising that they
have strongly criticized gifting away the Indian Coast Guard vessel Varaha
to Sri Lanka Navy on August 27.
In any case, the Eelam War is over and the
Tamil Tigers have been eliminated in Sri Lanka. However, Sri Lanka fears the
possibility of LTTE’s revival as remnants of the LTTE are still active
abroad. Sri Lanka Navy is responsible
to ensure such elements do not clandestinely enter into the country. So it will
continue to patrol Sri Lankan waters to check any suspicious movement of boats.
The Tamil Nadu fishermen issue is a complex
one because it is connected not only with the traditional fishing rights of our
fishermen, but also to the sanctity of international maritime boundary as well
as territorial claims. So it will continue to linger unless the two countries
make up their mind to resolve the issue once and for all. As the issue has
become politically complicated in both countries, we cannot expect its closure in
the near future.
Ever since China entered Sri Lanka in a big
way India’s maritime security concerns have increased. Chinese naval ships are increasingly
sighted in our ocean vicinity. China has financed and completed the Hambantota
port project and the expansion of Colombo carrier terminal. Last year, India
had strongly objected to the berthing of Chinese warships, including two
submarines, in Colombo port. Sri Lanka seems to have understood India’s
security concerns as it is a major user of Colombo port facility.
Ever since Prime Minister Narendra Modi
visited Sri Lanka – the first visit by an Indian prime minister in 12 years –
the two nations have come closer. The Sirisena government has responded
positively to India’s security concerns about Chinese warships; this is evident
from a PTI report on April 15, 2015 from Beijing. It quoted Zhao Gancheng, director
of South Asia Studies at Shanghai Institute of International Studies as saying
“the Gwadar port [in Pakistan] will also guarantee China’s naval ships’
maintenance and supply in the Indian Ocean. The move is widely seen as crucial
for China, especially as it is unlikely that Sri Lanka will open its ports to
Chinese naval ships.”
India, Maldives and Sri Lanka have a
maritime coordination agreement under which Indian navy has been protecting the
extended economic zone (EEZ) of the three countries. So India’s gift of a ship
to the Sri Lanka navy should be viewed in the overall context of strengthening its
maritime security which is in the interest of India’s own national security.
This becomes even more important now that China’s naval presence Indian Ocean is
going to increase in the years to come.
China is also helping to augment Pakistan’s
naval capability by selling eight submarines and a few warships. Pakistan has
in the past used Colombo to operate intelligence sources to spy on India;
sometime back a Sri Lankan employed by the Pak ISI was arrested in Chennai
after a bomb explosion. Pakistan and China have a strategic security agreement
now apart from very close economic bonds.
So there are many dimensions to India-Sri
Lanka defence cooperation. We can expect
greater defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka, particularly between
the navies, in the coming years. It would not be in our national interest to
adopt a negative attitude to fostering good relations with Sri Lanka.
Lastly, at the risk of repeating myself, I would request Tamil Nadu political leaders to understand the dynamics of change in Sri Lanka after the defeat of the LTTE and the exit of Mahinda Rajapaksa from power. It was Sri Lanka Tamils who helped President Maithripala Sirisena come to power by overwhelmingly voting for him. The Tamil National Alliance is at the forefront of looking after Tamil interests.
However, Sri Lanka Tamils particularly in
northern and eastern provinces have not yet fully recovered from the aftermath
of the devastating war. Tamil Nadu can help them immensely by assisting in
increasing their employment and livelihood opportunities. This would make more
meaningful contribution to them, than Tamil Nadu political leaders’ flowery,
but negative, rhetoric on Sri Lanka.
[Col R Hariharan, a retired
Military Intelligence specialist on South Asia, served with the Indian Peace
Keeping Force in Sri Lanka as Head of Intelligence. He is associated with the
Chennai Centre for China Studies and the South Asia Analysis Group. E-Mail: colhari@yahoo.com Blog: http://col.hariharan.info]
Courtesy: Chennai Centre for China Studies
C3S Paper No 0168/2015 dated September 1, 2015 http://www.c3sindia.org/strategicissues/5222
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