Monday, 4 May 2020

Sri Lanka opts for parliamentary polls during Corona times


Col R Hariharan |30-4-2020| Sri Lanka Perspectives April 2020 | South Asia Security Trends, May 2020   www.security-risks.com

Sri Lanka Election Commission (EC) has announced on April 20 that the parliamentary election delayed due to Corona pandemic threat, will be held on Saturday, June 20. However, there appears to be a lot of uncertainty about holding it on June 20.  EC Chairman Mahinda Deshapriya is reported to have told the representatives of political parties, who met him a day later, that June 20 set for the election was “by no means final” and the situation would be reviewed on May 4. The opposition leaders were protesting strongly against holding the election when the Corona pandemic had not been brought under control.  They pointed out election campaigning under such circumstances would affect the safety of the people, who would be exposed to the virus on a large scale.

In a subsequent interview on April 28, the EC Chairman clarified that “a minimum period of five weeks is required for candidates to campaign for the election, which would mean that the country should be free of COVID-19 by at least May 15, so that a free, fair, transparent and credible election can be held.” The EC proposes to take stock of the situation every ten days. He also said the election can only be held after health authorities give the green light. In other words, EC’s decision to hold the election on June 20 will be subject to prior clearance from the government and health authorities (finally by May 15 in EC Chairman’s reckoning).  This rider is likely to be played up by opposition parties, during the constricted campaigning likely due to the Corona virus threat.  

The main opposition the United National Party (UNP) and its allies do not seem to have recovered from the damaging effect of  UNP’s internal schism which enabled President Gotabaya Rajapaksa victory with a clear majority.  So, as of now the Rajapaksa-led Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) is probably the favourite to win more seats in the parliamentary election as and when it is held. Though the Rajapaksas winning two thirds majority appears slim.

However, President Rajapaksa, unlike his brother Mahinda who had political compulsions in choosing his aides, has worked to create a favourable government environment unmindful of the political environment. President Gotabaya, like US President Ronald Reagan, appears to be a votary of the Russian proverb “Trust and Verify” (Doveryáy, no proveryáy). He has hand-picked trusted senior military officers and veterans to fill key appointments that matter.  He has reorganised the intelligence structure and police investigative apparatus “pruning” officers of “suspect” credentials.

Apparently, he had chosen to ignore reported misgiving among some senior political leaders who were side-lined in this process. Civil society leaders have expressed their concern at the militarisation of administrative processes. Nothing illustrates this better than task force created to fight the Covid-19 packed with veteran army and naval officers. Military personnel have been employed on a large scale in duties connected with enforcing virus restrictions; military intelligence has been used to identify and trace Cornona affected persons and their associates, who might be infected.   

In keeping with his style, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa with an eye to have an early parliamentary election, ordered the dissolution of the parliament on March 4, ignoring early signs of Corona virus epidemic threatening to spread further. Now the increasing Covid-19 pandemic has queered the President’s plans and introduced uncertainty over holding it even in June. A number of questions are being raised over Constitutional impropriety of government decisions being taken when the parliament stands dissolved. On the other hand, opposition parties also seem to have understood the extraordinary situation created by pandemic, while questioning the wisdom of holding the election. Seven opposition parties have offered “responsible cooperation” to the President in return for restoration of [dissolved] parliament. The precondition makes it an exercise in futility.

The President has now made reducing the Covid threat to manageable proportions as his No. 1 priority. According to President Rajapaksa “at the moment we have minimised this virus from spreading in the country….Sri Lanka had a proper mechanism to collect the information needed to stop the infection from spreading from each patient,” the Presidential Media Division statement said. 

Sri Lanka’s Covid count as on April 30 stands at: confirmed cases 660, active cases 514 and deaths only 7.  A disturbing aspect has been the spread of virus among Navy personnel; 226 sailors have been infected with Covid so far according to Acting Chief of Defence Staff Lt Gen Shavendra Silva. Naval personnel infected include 147 within the Welisara navy camp and 79 persons on leave.

Epidemiologist reckon that both confirmed and active cases have probably peaked and expect it to start plateauing by May first week. So hopefully, if the wishes come true the election could be held on June 20. But the question, at what cost will continue to haunt the EC when it conducts the election, even with the blessing of the government.

However, even before the election campaigning start disturbing trends continue to vitiate the socio-political environment churned up by the spread of the virus.  

The first is prominent role played by the Maha Sangha in what are considered as political issues. The President Gotabaya Rajapaksa met with the prelates of the Maha Sangha and brief them on the need for a strong parliament “to fulfil the aspirations bestowed on him with the landslide victory. He is reported to have told them that there were no constitutional powers to reconvene the dissolved parliament. He also expected to meet the Maha Sangha regularly on the third Friday of every month. The prelates have also said there was no need for reconvening the dissolved parliament. Their statement comes in the face of opposition parties’ demand for reconvening; moreover, the Supreme Court is already examining its constitutional validity. 

Buddhist clergy have continued to voice against Muslim political leaders for suspected involvement with the Easter Sunday Jihadi terrorist bombings, though the police have cleared them after preliminary enquiry. In the anti Muslim back lash that followed Muslim Covid patients have been refused treatment and victims of virus death have not been allowed to be buried till the government orders followed. These pin pricks have further unnerved the Muslim community.

It has increased the suspicion of Buddhist clergy influencing government actions. Such apprehension is probably behind UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary Killings, Agnes Callamard’s statement that any measures taken to deal with the COVID-19 emergency should be guided by the principles of legality, proportion, precaution and non-discrimination.

Second is the absence of follow up action of the Rajapaksa government upon the findings of inquiry commissions including a parliamentary select committee (PSC) on the Easter Sunday Jihadi terrorist attacks last year killing 259 people. The PSC had accused the then President Sirisena of ‘actively undermining’ national security and of failing to prevent the Easter Sunday bombings. It also alleged that had not given proper guidance or support to the security establishment and police. The report also noted PM Ranil Wickremesinghe and Deputy Defence Minister Ruwan Wijewardene at that time had failed in their duties.

Cardinal Malcom Ranjith, the chief of Roman Catholic Church, met with President Rajapaksa and expressed the concern of survivors and victims’ families at lack of action against those behind the attack. Many Catholic church leaders have said that a strong public protest campaign would be launched against the failure on the part of the government to punish those responsible for the Easter Sunday carnage, after the Covid epidemic was brought under control.

Lastly, human rights violations by law enforcing agencies have continued to be a cause of concern for civil society. But this is nothing new, considering the tardy action taken or failure by successive governments in the past to improve their accountability over such allegations.


Col R Hariharan, a retired MI officer, served as the head of Intelligence of the Indian Peace Keeping Force in Sri Lanka from 1987 to 90. He is associated with the Chennai Centre for China Studies and South Asia Analysis Group Email: haridirect@gmail.com Blog:: https://col.hariharan.info  


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